He
learned along the way what the successful do, to delegate parts of himself to
trusted associates, to create diverse posses of political advisers and helpers,
ranging from the Irish Mafia of his family’s Boston days and his Navy crony Red
Fay to the intellectually elite like historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and his
ultimate alter ego Ted Sorensen.
In
the White House, they would say, "When Jack is hurt, Ted bleeds," and
loyalty was certainly a Sorensen trait, but there was much more. JFK called him
his “intellectual blood bank.”
Sorensen
stubbornly refused to confess he had ghost-written "Profiles in
Courage," the Pulitzer Prize book about political courage that first
brought JFK to prominence, admitting only he had helped with research and
editing.
As
for the famous line in the inaugural, "Ask not what your country can do
for you--ask what you can do for your country," Sorensen would only say
with a smile about its origin, "Ask not."
Theodore
Chaikin Sorensen provided Kennedy not only with words but with the heartland
ideals that came from his own heritage as a Nebraska "Danish Russian Jewish
Unitarian" born to a staunch Republican and a Feminist mother.
When they
met, JFK told him, "I’m not a liberal," and he wasn't but, over the
years with Sorensen's influence, grew beyond the confines of his own background
of great wealth and privilege into the man the world remembers now.
Over
time, I got to know and work with Ted on many projects, including Robert
Kennedy's memoir of the Cuban Missile Crisis, and became enough of a friend to
be invited to his wedding reception.
He
was a soft-spoken, gentle man but a fierce idealist who did not let age and
infirmity slow him down. Five years ago, nearly blind, he was out campaigning
for Barack Obama, in whom he saw many of Kennedy’s qualities, and he could still
write a great speech line: "Don't worry about my eyesight,” he told crowds
about George W. Bush. “I have more vision than the President of the United
States."
Kennedy
knew historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. from his Harvard days and recruited him for
the White House as a scholar in residence. He could see that the Bay of Pigs
invasion would be a disaster and afterward reproached himself for being too
intimidated to speak up and try to stop the train wreck.
Afterward,
JFK tweaked him about his failure, saying Schlesinger "wrote me a
memorandum that will look pretty good when he gets around to writing his book
on my administration. Only he better not publish it while I'm still alive!”
During
the Cuban Missile Crisis, Schlesinger kept reminding the President of the
lesson they had both learned and served him well during those harrowing days.
On
the subject of memoirs, in 1962 when Ike's former speech writer Emmet Hughes
wrote a tell-all book about his Eisenhower days, Kennedy was appalled.
According
to Sorensen, Kennedy thought Hughes "had betrayed the trust of Republican
officials by quoting their private conversations against them" and told
his White House staff, "I hope no one around here is writing that kind of
book."
No
one did. Both Sorensen and Schlesinger wrote doorstop volumes about JFK’s White
House tenure without a hint of gossip. Loyalty did not stop at his death.
The
Kennedy White House played the press like a jukebox. Pierre Salinger, a
brass-tacks former reporter and editor, courted friendly media at private
lunches and dinners. He knew in detail about everyone’s deadlines.
At one
of those dinners I broached the idea of a joint press conference with Kennedy
for editors of the largest women’s magazines to answer questions about fallout
from nuclear testing and the test-ban treaty with the Russians that would need
public support for ratification by the Senate.
Salinger
accepted on the spot. Lining up the magazine editors would be harder.
Next: Kennedy at his peak.
1 comment:
What I would most like every detractor to state is what he or she is defending about the current system. It's got it all, right down to the death panels. We know what you're against (frankly, a colored guy in charge)--what are you for?
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