The McCain campaign is unveiling Sarah Palin in a way that brings back the creepy fear I felt as a nine-year-old watching a scene in "The Invisible Man," when the mad scientist slowly unwound the bandages from his face to reveal...nothing.
Much more than the frightening figures of Dracula and Frankenstein's monster, that absence chilled the imagination as does the current blankness where the face of someone a heartbeat away from the most powerful position in the world should be.
Now, almost a month after McCain chose her and six weeks before voters have to decide, Sarah Palin has yet to show her face at a press conference where reporters can question her.
This week will feature a photo-op shaking hands with Afghan President Hamid Karzai at the UN, followed by a controlled end-of-the-week two days with Katie Couric that will be doled out by CBS next week. Other than that, there will be Palin's robotic stump speech to cheering crowds with hand-written signs provided by the McCain campaign.
What we know about Palin continues to dribble out second- and third-hand, to be decried by her surrogates as smears, such as the news today that the woman who is courting ardent feminists was the only mayor in Alaska whose town made victims of assault pay for rape kits.
There may be a plausible explanation for that, but we won't get to hear it until reporters are allowed to question the candidate, a possibility that keeps receding toward Election Day.
Movie buffs will recall that the hubris of "The Invisible Man" led to an unhappy ending but, in today's political and media climate, who can say?
Monday, September 22, 2008
Obama as Eisenhower
On 60 Minutes last night, he evoked another man who came to office promising to end an unpopular war and to restore confidence after the tenure of a president with abysmal approval ratings.
"I am a practical person," Barack Obama said, channeling the Dwight Eisenhower of more than half a century ago. "One of the things I'm good at is getting people in a room with ...different ideas who sometimes violently disagree with each other and finding common ground, and a sense of common direction. And that's the kind of approach that I think prevents you from making some of the enormous mistakes that we've seen over the last eight years."
Looking back at his two terms in the 1950s, Ike had taken pride in bringing together the vehemently opinionated and reasoning them into agreement, as he had done in World War II with such military divas as Gen. George Patton and Britain's Viscount Bernard Law Montgomery.
"Extremes to the right and left of any political dispute are always wrong," Eisenhower would say. "The middle of the road is all of the usable surface. The extremes are in the gutters."
Despite his own mantra of change and Republican efforts to tar him as a wild-eyed radical, Obama is temperamentally akin to Eisenhower in his reliance on persuasion and conciliation. If elected, he will face a much more divided America, but his instinct will be like Ike's--to reason and heal.
Maybe it goes back to their common childhood roots in Kansas.
"I am a practical person," Barack Obama said, channeling the Dwight Eisenhower of more than half a century ago. "One of the things I'm good at is getting people in a room with ...different ideas who sometimes violently disagree with each other and finding common ground, and a sense of common direction. And that's the kind of approach that I think prevents you from making some of the enormous mistakes that we've seen over the last eight years."
Looking back at his two terms in the 1950s, Ike had taken pride in bringing together the vehemently opinionated and reasoning them into agreement, as he had done in World War II with such military divas as Gen. George Patton and Britain's Viscount Bernard Law Montgomery.
"Extremes to the right and left of any political dispute are always wrong," Eisenhower would say. "The middle of the road is all of the usable surface. The extremes are in the gutters."
Despite his own mantra of change and Republican efforts to tar him as a wild-eyed radical, Obama is temperamentally akin to Eisenhower in his reliance on persuasion and conciliation. If elected, he will face a much more divided America, but his instinct will be like Ike's--to reason and heal.
Maybe it goes back to their common childhood roots in Kansas.
Palin's Shaky Bridge to Ted Stevens
If the economy calms down, this should be a big news week for Alaska. As Sen. Ted Stevens goes on trial in Washington for helping himself to some of the bacon he brought back home for constituents over 40 years, Gov. Sarah Palin will be hoping voters believe she refused to cook it.
Neither will be candid about their relationship, which started in 2003 with Palin serving as a director of the ethically iffy "Ted Stevens Excellence in Public Service, Inc.," a 527 group to raise unlimited funds from corporate donors to help Republican women running for office in Alaska.
As an anti-corruption candidate in 2006, Palin took a step away by calling on Stevens to come clean about his alleged wrongdoing but also held a joint news conference with him, before he was indicted, to have it both ways. Stevens reciprocated with a last-minute endorsement and filmed a campaign commercial with her.
So now, in Palinworld, the Stevens who is on trial has gone from mentor to arm's length "Ted Who?" unless, by some chance, he beats the rap, in which case he may morph back into the kindly old uncle who helped get her into the statehouse, where John McCain could discover her and take over the role of older man in her life 20 months later.
The soap operas keep their convoluted plots more believable than that, but with Palin showing up only for scripted cameos, voters will have trouble figuring it out.
Neither will be candid about their relationship, which started in 2003 with Palin serving as a director of the ethically iffy "Ted Stevens Excellence in Public Service, Inc.," a 527 group to raise unlimited funds from corporate donors to help Republican women running for office in Alaska.
As an anti-corruption candidate in 2006, Palin took a step away by calling on Stevens to come clean about his alleged wrongdoing but also held a joint news conference with him, before he was indicted, to have it both ways. Stevens reciprocated with a last-minute endorsement and filmed a campaign commercial with her.
So now, in Palinworld, the Stevens who is on trial has gone from mentor to arm's length "Ted Who?" unless, by some chance, he beats the rap, in which case he may morph back into the kindly old uncle who helped get her into the statehouse, where John McCain could discover her and take over the role of older man in her life 20 months later.
The soap operas keep their convoluted plots more believable than that, but with Palin showing up only for scripted cameos, voters will have trouble figuring it out.
Sunday, September 21, 2008
The Irrelevant Presidential Candidates
As they prepare for their first debate, Barack Obama and John McCain will be upstaged this week by people who will be out of power in four months--members of the Bush Administration and Congress, many of whom retire voluntarily or otherwise at year's end.
No matter what the candidates say, our economy will be on the operating table in Washington, with the surgery being performed, if not by quacks but lame-duck politicians, few of whom have shown any aptitude for making life-and-death decisions (see "War, Iraq" and "Children, Health Insurance for").
With bipartisan urgency, Congress will give Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson power to buy up to $700 billion in distressed mortgage-related assets from private holders.
“I hate the fact that we have to do it, but it’s better than the alternative,” Paulson said in his round of appearances of the Sunday morning talk shows. “This is a humbling, humbling time for the United States of America.”
The alternative would be an unthinkable meltdown of the financial markets that would eventually throw millions of people out of work as well as their homes.
On Meet the Press, New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg admitted that "nobody knows exactly what they should do, but anything is better than nothing. You've got to restore the public's belief and the market's belief that we will go on. And this is not just an American problem, it's financial markets around the world that are all interlinked and they're all collapsing."
That's the emergency agenda for this week, but Bloomberg, who made a fortune providing instant information for the money world, points out that "we're paying the price for the last years where we all wanted something for nothing, where we took risks because we were convinced that we would never have to pay, somebody else would pay on the downside, but we'd keep the profit. Congress has been unwilling to address the fundamentals of this country--an energy policy that makes sense, infrastructure, health care..."
All this will land in the lap of the next president and Congress that Americans will be voting into power six weeks from now. There will be no shortage of promises and finger-pointing in the campaigning until then, but to get us there, the lame ducks will have to get it right in the next few days.
No matter what the candidates say, our economy will be on the operating table in Washington, with the surgery being performed, if not by quacks but lame-duck politicians, few of whom have shown any aptitude for making life-and-death decisions (see "War, Iraq" and "Children, Health Insurance for").
With bipartisan urgency, Congress will give Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson power to buy up to $700 billion in distressed mortgage-related assets from private holders.
“I hate the fact that we have to do it, but it’s better than the alternative,” Paulson said in his round of appearances of the Sunday morning talk shows. “This is a humbling, humbling time for the United States of America.”
The alternative would be an unthinkable meltdown of the financial markets that would eventually throw millions of people out of work as well as their homes.
On Meet the Press, New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg admitted that "nobody knows exactly what they should do, but anything is better than nothing. You've got to restore the public's belief and the market's belief that we will go on. And this is not just an American problem, it's financial markets around the world that are all interlinked and they're all collapsing."
That's the emergency agenda for this week, but Bloomberg, who made a fortune providing instant information for the money world, points out that "we're paying the price for the last years where we all wanted something for nothing, where we took risks because we were convinced that we would never have to pay, somebody else would pay on the downside, but we'd keep the profit. Congress has been unwilling to address the fundamentals of this country--an energy policy that makes sense, infrastructure, health care..."
All this will land in the lap of the next president and Congress that Americans will be voting into power six weeks from now. There will be no shortage of promises and finger-pointing in the campaigning until then, but to get us there, the lame ducks will have to get it right in the next few days.
Saturday, September 20, 2008
Show-and-Tell for Cheney
The Vice President has never been a gushy kind of guy, but his innate modesty and shyness will have to give way to a court order today to preserve his records so the rest of us may eventually get some idea of how he was running the country in total privacy for the past eight years.
Responding to the suit of the watchdog group CREW, US District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly found that the VP's records are not excluded under the Presidential Records Act, which gives the national archivist custody of the material when Bush and Cheney leave office.
Their lawyers had sought a narrow interpretation to allow the VP to withhold as much as possible from National Archives, but the judge said no.
"Defendants were only willing to agree to a preservation order that tracked their narrowed interpretation of the PRA's statutory language," Kollar-Kotelly said in her order. This position "heightens the Court's concern" that some records would not be preserved without an injunction.
As we learned in the Valerie Plame case, pinning down what Cheney said and did is not easy, but today's judgment will go some distance toward helping historians breach Cheney's cone of silence as he helped lie us into a disastrous war, violated the civil rights of anyone who disagreed with him and pulled the strings of a puppet president.
A while back, when he deigned to give an interview, Cheney was asked about public disapproval of the Iraq war. His answer, with a shrug, was "So?"
Today's court decision is the first step toward getting more definitive answers than that.
Responding to the suit of the watchdog group CREW, US District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly found that the VP's records are not excluded under the Presidential Records Act, which gives the national archivist custody of the material when Bush and Cheney leave office.
Their lawyers had sought a narrow interpretation to allow the VP to withhold as much as possible from National Archives, but the judge said no.
"Defendants were only willing to agree to a preservation order that tracked their narrowed interpretation of the PRA's statutory language," Kollar-Kotelly said in her order. This position "heightens the Court's concern" that some records would not be preserved without an injunction.
As we learned in the Valerie Plame case, pinning down what Cheney said and did is not easy, but today's judgment will go some distance toward helping historians breach Cheney's cone of silence as he helped lie us into a disastrous war, violated the civil rights of anyone who disagreed with him and pulled the strings of a puppet president.
A while back, when he deigned to give an interview, Cheney was asked about public disapproval of the Iraq war. His answer, with a shrug, was "So?"
Today's court decision is the first step toward getting more definitive answers than that.
The Fat Lady Sings at Yankee Stadium
Soon after returning to the Bronx from World War II, I went to the Stadium to see a football game. The home team, called the New York Yankees, was inept but all through the game a stout woman sitting alone several rows away was loudly cheering her heart out.
Watching her, I thought about the emptiness of some lives that could only be filled with devotion to a team of professional losers. I was overcome with emotion over such pathos until someone told me that the woman was Kate Smith, whose business manager Ted Collins owned the team, bought no doubt with his percentage of her earnings as one of the most popular singers of the time.
During the seventh inning break at tomorrow's final game before they demolish the Stadium, there will likely be tears on and off the field as the booming sounds of Kate Smith's "God Bless America" fills the storied arena for the last time.
As it does, I will be thinking of the day I felt so sorry for the fat lady who is singing for the last time at the field of dreams that has meant so much in my life.
Watching her, I thought about the emptiness of some lives that could only be filled with devotion to a team of professional losers. I was overcome with emotion over such pathos until someone told me that the woman was Kate Smith, whose business manager Ted Collins owned the team, bought no doubt with his percentage of her earnings as one of the most popular singers of the time.
During the seventh inning break at tomorrow's final game before they demolish the Stadium, there will likely be tears on and off the field as the booming sounds of Kate Smith's "God Bless America" fills the storied arena for the last time.
As it does, I will be thinking of the day I felt so sorry for the fat lady who is singing for the last time at the field of dreams that has meant so much in my life.
Friday, September 19, 2008
Maliki, Can You Spare a Dime?
As Washington prepares to tap taxpayers for a bipartisan bailout of the US financial system, is it out of order to ask our Iraqi friends who are sitting on $80 billion of oil profits to put a little something into their own pot?
After our expenditure of half a trillion dollars, $10 billion a month of American money is still going there. Our friends in Baghdad could ease the credit crunch here by taking over some of that tab from now on without going broke themselves.
The suggestion might be most palatable coming from their best friend, John McCain, who is presenting himself as responsible for their victory over chaos. Would we be leaving Iraq with less honor if they starting buying some of the blessings of democracy with their own money?
One incentive for such a selfless gesture might be the prospect of Barack Obama moving into the White House next January with his plans for troop withdrawals that would speed the day when the Iraqis run their own country and pay for its upkeep.
The old song of the 20th century Depression had a war veteran asking, "Buddy, can you spare a dime?" Nouri, old buddy, can't you spare a billion or two or three?
After our expenditure of half a trillion dollars, $10 billion a month of American money is still going there. Our friends in Baghdad could ease the credit crunch here by taking over some of that tab from now on without going broke themselves.
The suggestion might be most palatable coming from their best friend, John McCain, who is presenting himself as responsible for their victory over chaos. Would we be leaving Iraq with less honor if they starting buying some of the blessings of democracy with their own money?
One incentive for such a selfless gesture might be the prospect of Barack Obama moving into the White House next January with his plans for troop withdrawals that would speed the day when the Iraqis run their own country and pay for its upkeep.
The old song of the 20th century Depression had a war veteran asking, "Buddy, can you spare a dime?" Nouri, old buddy, can't you spare a billion or two or three?
Die (Not So) Hard
Right-to-Lifers may be heading for a collision with a new Duty-to-Die movement advocated by Britain's leading moral philosopher, who foresees "licensing people to put others down."
In an interview with the Church of Scotland magazine Life and Work, Mary Warnock suggests that dementia sufferers should consider ending their lives because of the strain they put on their families and public services.
In addition to euthanasia for those in pain, Lady Warnock believes that "if somebody absolutely, desperately wants to die because they're a burden to their family, or the state, then I think they too should be allowed to die.
"Actually I've just written an article called 'A Duty to Die?' for a Norwegian periodical...If you've an advance directive, appointing someone else to act on your behalf, if you become incapacitated, then I think there is a hope that your advocate may say that you would not wish to live in this condition so please try to help her die."
As someone with a month' seniority to the 84-year-old Baroness, I feel duty-bound to point out a tiny flaw in her plan: Your dementia may turn out to be my crankiness, which is hardly a capital crime, and I can't think of an "advocate" I would authorize to make that distinction.
Lady Warnock's piquant proposal follows results of a recent survey in which one out of three British doctors called for National Health Service treatment to be withheld from patients who are too old or who lead unhealthy lives.
Anglophiles planning to spend their declining years in London and thereabouts should start rethinking their retirement plans in favor of an Arctic ice floe.
In an interview with the Church of Scotland magazine Life and Work, Mary Warnock suggests that dementia sufferers should consider ending their lives because of the strain they put on their families and public services.
In addition to euthanasia for those in pain, Lady Warnock believes that "if somebody absolutely, desperately wants to die because they're a burden to their family, or the state, then I think they too should be allowed to die.
"Actually I've just written an article called 'A Duty to Die?' for a Norwegian periodical...If you've an advance directive, appointing someone else to act on your behalf, if you become incapacitated, then I think there is a hope that your advocate may say that you would not wish to live in this condition so please try to help her die."
As someone with a month' seniority to the 84-year-old Baroness, I feel duty-bound to point out a tiny flaw in her plan: Your dementia may turn out to be my crankiness, which is hardly a capital crime, and I can't think of an "advocate" I would authorize to make that distinction.
Lady Warnock's piquant proposal follows results of a recent survey in which one out of three British doctors called for National Health Service treatment to be withheld from patients who are too old or who lead unhealthy lives.
Anglophiles planning to spend their declining years in London and thereabouts should start rethinking their retirement plans in favor of an Arctic ice floe.
Bill Touts McCain, Palin, Hillary and...
"Slimy elder statesman" is the apt description for the former President's latest foray into this year's election as he calls John McCain "a great man," Sarah Palin an "instinctively effective candidate" and says that Hillary Clinton is offering "the most detailed position" on what to do about the financial crisis.
And the other guys? "I've never concealed my admiration and affection for Sen. McCain. I think he's a great man. But, I think, on the issues that matter to our future, the Obama-Biden team is, is more right. And I believe they're gonna win. But, I think that it will be competitive until the end."
This represents a bit of slippage from Clinton's convention speech only three weeks ago:
"Clearly, the job of the next president is to rebuild the American dream and to restore American leadership in the world...Everything I learned in my eight years as president, and in the work I have done since in America and across the globe, has convinced me that Barack Obama is the man for this job...
"Barack Obama is ready to honor the oath, to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. Barack Obama is ready to be president of the United States...
"Republicans said I was too young and too inexperienced to be commander-in-chief. Sound familiar? It didn't work in 1992, because we were on the right side of history. And it will not work in 2008, because Barack Obama is on the right side of history."
Does Bill Clinton really want Obama to win? His interview with CNBC's Maria Bartiromo sounds more like pundit pillow talk than an effort by the last Democratic president to help his party's candidate get to the White House.
Asked about Hillary in 2012, Clinton waxed philosophical: "I hope we're both active till we're 90 and healthy. But, I think that her focus will now be on what she can do in her present positions to try to help her deal with all these things that threw her into the presidential race in the first place...She's out there workin' hard for Senator Obama. She, like me, believe he's gonna win. And no matter who wins, we've got to put our, our own personal politics aside for the next couple of years and get after these problems."
Uh-huh.
And the other guys? "I've never concealed my admiration and affection for Sen. McCain. I think he's a great man. But, I think, on the issues that matter to our future, the Obama-Biden team is, is more right. And I believe they're gonna win. But, I think that it will be competitive until the end."
This represents a bit of slippage from Clinton's convention speech only three weeks ago:
"Clearly, the job of the next president is to rebuild the American dream and to restore American leadership in the world...Everything I learned in my eight years as president, and in the work I have done since in America and across the globe, has convinced me that Barack Obama is the man for this job...
"Barack Obama is ready to honor the oath, to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. Barack Obama is ready to be president of the United States...
"Republicans said I was too young and too inexperienced to be commander-in-chief. Sound familiar? It didn't work in 1992, because we were on the right side of history. And it will not work in 2008, because Barack Obama is on the right side of history."
Does Bill Clinton really want Obama to win? His interview with CNBC's Maria Bartiromo sounds more like pundit pillow talk than an effort by the last Democratic president to help his party's candidate get to the White House.
Asked about Hillary in 2012, Clinton waxed philosophical: "I hope we're both active till we're 90 and healthy. But, I think that her focus will now be on what she can do in her present positions to try to help her deal with all these things that threw her into the presidential race in the first place...She's out there workin' hard for Senator Obama. She, like me, believe he's gonna win. And no matter who wins, we've got to put our, our own personal politics aside for the next couple of years and get after these problems."
Uh-huh.
A 21st Century "New Deal"
George W. Bush is going out as Herbert Hoover with last-minute efforts to save the financial system, but who will voters ask to play FDR and offer them a New Deal?
The Administration is asking Congress to enact what, according to the Wall Street Journal, may look "like the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, a Depression-era relief program formed in 1932 by President Hoover that tried to inject liquidity into the market by giving loans to banks and other businesses."
It didn't work back then until after Democrats won in a landslide and took more drastic government action. In that crisis, politicians stopped worrying about socialization and stepped in to save the economy.
The ideologues now will be howling, but John McCain and Barack Obama have to stop talking about tinkering with the "fundamentals" and start offering reality to the people they are asking to vote them into the White House.
The first worldwide reaction to today's news is encouraging as stock markets in Europe and Asia are posting "huge gains" in response.
But the devil will be in the details, as Paul Krugman observes: "Today’s U.S. political system isn’t going to follow Andrew Mellon’s infamous advice to Herbert Hoover: 'Liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real estate.' The big buyout is coming; the only question is whether it will be done right."
The Administration is asking Congress to enact what, according to the Wall Street Journal, may look "like the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, a Depression-era relief program formed in 1932 by President Hoover that tried to inject liquidity into the market by giving loans to banks and other businesses."
It didn't work back then until after Democrats won in a landslide and took more drastic government action. In that crisis, politicians stopped worrying about socialization and stepped in to save the economy.
The ideologues now will be howling, but John McCain and Barack Obama have to stop talking about tinkering with the "fundamentals" and start offering reality to the people they are asking to vote them into the White House.
The first worldwide reaction to today's news is encouraging as stock markets in Europe and Asia are posting "huge gains" in response.
But the devil will be in the details, as Paul Krugman observes: "Today’s U.S. political system isn’t going to follow Andrew Mellon’s infamous advice to Herbert Hoover: 'Liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real estate.' The big buyout is coming; the only question is whether it will be done right."
Wednesday, September 17, 2008
Picking Up the Pieces
The cleanup crews are at work on Wall Street, President Bush cancels a fund-raising trip to cheer on his mop-up gang in Washington and, barely within camera range, the presidential candidates and Congress are blathering about who's to blame for the financial storm.
Unlike the hurricane damage in Texas, there is profit lurking somewhere in the Wall Street wreckage and, if the past is any guide, the would-be Warren Buffets should soon be emerging from their storm cellars and bidding for the best bits and pieces.
The stock markets are starting to stabilize as profit potential wrestles with fear for the free-lunch crowd trying to measure when the worst is over and the aftermath has begun. Vultures know by instinct when to swoop in.
As always, most of us will be examining our financial wounds and reaching for band-aids while the greed-is-good gang move in to do what they do best, but they too serve a social function by sopping some of the panic out of the system so we can stop agonizing and start believing that everything is going to be all right.
Bush defended government bailouts today, saying. "These actions are necessary and important, and the markets are adjusting to them." It's hard to argue with that, but maybe the next Administration and Congress will do a better job of reading the storm signals and getting taxpayers to higher ground.
Unlike the hurricane damage in Texas, there is profit lurking somewhere in the Wall Street wreckage and, if the past is any guide, the would-be Warren Buffets should soon be emerging from their storm cellars and bidding for the best bits and pieces.
The stock markets are starting to stabilize as profit potential wrestles with fear for the free-lunch crowd trying to measure when the worst is over and the aftermath has begun. Vultures know by instinct when to swoop in.
As always, most of us will be examining our financial wounds and reaching for band-aids while the greed-is-good gang move in to do what they do best, but they too serve a social function by sopping some of the panic out of the system so we can stop agonizing and start believing that everything is going to be all right.
Bush defended government bailouts today, saying. "These actions are necessary and important, and the markets are adjusting to them." It's hard to argue with that, but maybe the next Administration and Congress will do a better job of reading the storm signals and getting taxpayers to higher ground.
Too Many McCains
He is outdoing the 1960 Richard Nixon, of whom John F. Kennedy said, "It must be hard getting up every morning and having to decide who you're going to be that day."
In a New York Times column today headed "The McCain of the Week," Gail Collins suggests, "Really, if McCain is going to keep changing into new people, the campaign should send out notices. (Come to a rally for the next president of the United States. Today he’s a vegetarian!)"
Aside from the lying attack ads on Barack Obama, the Republican effort to hold onto the Bush White House has deteriorated into wheeling out a new John McCain with every headline, accompanied by a plastic Palin figure nodding and smiling like a 21st century Pat Nixon with a few lines of actual dopey dialogue.
In the past week alone, McCain has morphed from the champion of free enterprise to an angry populist regulator of Wall Street, from a confident believer in the soundness of the economy followed a redefinition of "fundamentals" as the workers, not the complicated stuff of facts and figures.
Are voters with short memories actually buying all this? The polls are beginning to show an Obama rebound from the Palin bounce, but it would be foolish to discount the wisdom of P. T. Barnum in gauging public shrewdness.
Gail Collins notes that since "McCain’s willingness to make speeches that have nothing to do with his actual beliefs is not matched by an ability to give them, he wound up sounding like Bob Dole impersonating Huey Long."
Not to forget Richard Nixon.
In a New York Times column today headed "The McCain of the Week," Gail Collins suggests, "Really, if McCain is going to keep changing into new people, the campaign should send out notices. (Come to a rally for the next president of the United States. Today he’s a vegetarian!)"
Aside from the lying attack ads on Barack Obama, the Republican effort to hold onto the Bush White House has deteriorated into wheeling out a new John McCain with every headline, accompanied by a plastic Palin figure nodding and smiling like a 21st century Pat Nixon with a few lines of actual dopey dialogue.
In the past week alone, McCain has morphed from the champion of free enterprise to an angry populist regulator of Wall Street, from a confident believer in the soundness of the economy followed a redefinition of "fundamentals" as the workers, not the complicated stuff of facts and figures.
Are voters with short memories actually buying all this? The polls are beginning to show an Obama rebound from the Palin bounce, but it would be foolish to discount the wisdom of P. T. Barnum in gauging public shrewdness.
Gail Collins notes that since "McCain’s willingness to make speeches that have nothing to do with his actual beliefs is not matched by an ability to give them, he wound up sounding like Bob Dole impersonating Huey Long."
Not to forget Richard Nixon.
The Unspeakable Joe Lieberman
In the midst of a national financial meltdown, the Senate's worst nightmare is playing political games by pushing a pointless resolution declaring the troop surge in Iraq a "strategic success"--a move designed to promote the presidential chances of his friend, John McCain.
"We would hope," Lieberman's spokesman said today with a straight face, "that Democrats and Republicans could stop fighting for a minute and send a bipartisan message of thanks to our courageous troops and their brilliant commander for a job well done."
When Democrats take firm control of the Senate next January, they will send a message to "Independent" Joe Lieberman by booting him out of the party caucus and chairmanship of the Homeland Security Committee as firmly as Democratic voters rejected him in their 2006 primary.
Meanwhile, Lieberman will continue to make himself as obnoxious as he was at the Republican convention before he is finally relegated to the irrelevance he so richly deserves.
"We would hope," Lieberman's spokesman said today with a straight face, "that Democrats and Republicans could stop fighting for a minute and send a bipartisan message of thanks to our courageous troops and their brilliant commander for a job well done."
When Democrats take firm control of the Senate next January, they will send a message to "Independent" Joe Lieberman by booting him out of the party caucus and chairmanship of the Homeland Security Committee as firmly as Democratic voters rejected him in their 2006 primary.
Meanwhile, Lieberman will continue to make himself as obnoxious as he was at the Republican convention before he is finally relegated to the irrelevance he so richly deserves.
The Clintons' September Song
With the days dwindling down to a precious few, Hillary and Bill Clinton can't play the waiting game if they are going to help Barack Obama beat John McCain.
Today, one of the former First Lady's richest and most rabid supporters is going over to the Republican candidate. Lynn Forester de Rothschild, a prominent Hillary supporter and member of the Democratic National Committee’s Platform Committee, is endorsing John McCain.
“This is a hard decision for me personally because frankly I don't like him,” she says of Obama. “I feel like he is an elitist. I feel like he has not given me reason to trust him.”
Lady de Rothschild, nee Lynn Forster, is a non-elitist billionaire who is now investing in India. "Two hundred fifty million," she explains, "are middle-class, so you might not go for the Chanel glasses, but you sure could go for an Estée Lauder lipstick or a Starbucks coffee."
With such supporters defecting, Hillary and Bill Clinton don't have much time to start getting out to American places deprived of Estee Lauder and Starbucks to start convincing the inhabitants that Obama is the man to lead their country out of the economic chaos that won't leave Lady de Rothschild jobless and without health insurance.
Today, one of the former First Lady's richest and most rabid supporters is going over to the Republican candidate. Lynn Forester de Rothschild, a prominent Hillary supporter and member of the Democratic National Committee’s Platform Committee, is endorsing John McCain.
“This is a hard decision for me personally because frankly I don't like him,” she says of Obama. “I feel like he is an elitist. I feel like he has not given me reason to trust him.”
Lady de Rothschild, nee Lynn Forster, is a non-elitist billionaire who is now investing in India. "Two hundred fifty million," she explains, "are middle-class, so you might not go for the Chanel glasses, but you sure could go for an Estée Lauder lipstick or a Starbucks coffee."
With such supporters defecting, Hillary and Bill Clinton don't have much time to start getting out to American places deprived of Estee Lauder and Starbucks to start convincing the inhabitants that Obama is the man to lead their country out of the economic chaos that won't leave Lady de Rothschild jobless and without health insurance.
McCain: Witness for the Prosecution
For the 9/11-like Commission he wants to study the Wall Street collapse, John McCain could well be the star witness about failure of government regulation to prevent chaos in the financial industry.
His actions as a member of the Keating Five in the 1980s, which the Senate Ethics Committee later labeled "poor judgment," were the start of two decades of McCain opposition to controlling the excesses he is now denouncing on the campaign trail.
Like the Washington insiders he is now promising to rein in, McCain took heavy campaign contributions from Savings and Loan operator Charles H. Keating, accepted free trips to Keating's Bahamas vacation retreat and saw his family turn a profit from an investment his wife and father-in-law made with Keating.
In return, McCain worked hard to delay and divert government action against Keating, who later went to jail for fraud and whose S&L bailout cost taxpayers more than $124 billion.
Now here he is in 2008, promising to reform what he was so deeply involved in and expecting voters to believe that he and Sarah Palin will ride in as mavericks to clean it all up.
In 2000, the Bush-Rove gang used a push poll about the Keating Scandal in the South Carolina primary to blemish McCain's straight-talk campaigning. Obama won't stoop to that, but voters with short memories should remember McCain's own record on corruption before swallowing his promises to shake up the way Washington does business.
His actions as a member of the Keating Five in the 1980s, which the Senate Ethics Committee later labeled "poor judgment," were the start of two decades of McCain opposition to controlling the excesses he is now denouncing on the campaign trail.
Like the Washington insiders he is now promising to rein in, McCain took heavy campaign contributions from Savings and Loan operator Charles H. Keating, accepted free trips to Keating's Bahamas vacation retreat and saw his family turn a profit from an investment his wife and father-in-law made with Keating.
In return, McCain worked hard to delay and divert government action against Keating, who later went to jail for fraud and whose S&L bailout cost taxpayers more than $124 billion.
Now here he is in 2008, promising to reform what he was so deeply involved in and expecting voters to believe that he and Sarah Palin will ride in as mavericks to clean it all up.
In 2000, the Bush-Rove gang used a push poll about the Keating Scandal in the South Carolina primary to blemish McCain's straight-talk campaigning. Obama won't stoop to that, but voters with short memories should remember McCain's own record on corruption before swallowing his promises to shake up the way Washington does business.
Tuesday, September 16, 2008
Wall Street Sinkings
It's like watching "Titanic" at a multiplex with sequels on every screen as Lehman Brothers goes under and other huge financial vessels with gaping holes are being towed toward hopefully safe harbors.
For older observers, the maritime metaphor recalls a sendup of Wall Street, "Where Are the Customers' Yachts?", first published in 1940 and reissued seven years ago. Billionaire Mike Bloomberg, New York's new Mayor, called it "a hilarious classic that proves the more things change the more they stay the same."
The new edition was on the reading list for interns at Bear Stearns, apparently to no avail, and few investors seemed to take seriously Fred Schwed's opening caution:
"'Wall Street,' reads the sinister old gag, 'is a street with a river at one end and a graveyard at the other.' This is striking but incomplete. It omits the kindergarten in the middle..."
But no one is laughing now. "The nation," says a New York Times editorial today," needs a new perspective on the markets, one that acknowledges the self-destructive bent of unfettered capitalism and its ability, unchecked, to wreak havoc far beyond Wall Street."
Both presidential candidates are out there placing blame and offering life rafts for the survivors, who will have to get out of the kindergarten fast and learn how to stay afloat.
For older observers, the maritime metaphor recalls a sendup of Wall Street, "Where Are the Customers' Yachts?", first published in 1940 and reissued seven years ago. Billionaire Mike Bloomberg, New York's new Mayor, called it "a hilarious classic that proves the more things change the more they stay the same."
The new edition was on the reading list for interns at Bear Stearns, apparently to no avail, and few investors seemed to take seriously Fred Schwed's opening caution:
"'Wall Street,' reads the sinister old gag, 'is a street with a river at one end and a graveyard at the other.' This is striking but incomplete. It omits the kindergarten in the middle..."
But no one is laughing now. "The nation," says a New York Times editorial today," needs a new perspective on the markets, one that acknowledges the self-destructive bent of unfettered capitalism and its ability, unchecked, to wreak havoc far beyond Wall Street."
Both presidential candidates are out there placing blame and offering life rafts for the survivors, who will have to get out of the kindergarten fast and learn how to stay afloat.
McCain's PR Playpen
His campaign flackery is being fronted by a 29-year-old attack puppy named Tucker Bounds, who can't seem to stop tripping over himself with mindless muck that makes John McCain look foolish and nasty almost every day.
Yesterday, the ebullient Bounds was taken to task by Fox News' Megyn Kelly for lying about Barack Obama's tax proposals and the bill he supported for sex education in the Illinois Legislature.
US News & World Report tagged him for trying to pass off Sarah Palin's command of the Alaska National Guard as foreign policy experience, and the campaign cancelled a McCain appearance on "Larry King Live" after mild-mannered Campbell Brown pressed the hapless Bounds in an interview on CNN.
Bounds and Jill Hazelbacker, 27, are former University of Oregon classmates who took over McCain's PR when the campaign was out of money a year ago and are still running the show now that he is the nominee.
Their Googled past is a virtual blank, except for an Oregonian feature that reveals Bounds' mother recalling "he declaimed in paragraphs in his playpen," even if no one understood what he was saying.
McCain, who is more than twice as old as his mouthpieces, should think seriously about getting spokespeople who are not still in the playpen. As he keeps telling us, experience counts.
Yesterday, the ebullient Bounds was taken to task by Fox News' Megyn Kelly for lying about Barack Obama's tax proposals and the bill he supported for sex education in the Illinois Legislature.
US News & World Report tagged him for trying to pass off Sarah Palin's command of the Alaska National Guard as foreign policy experience, and the campaign cancelled a McCain appearance on "Larry King Live" after mild-mannered Campbell Brown pressed the hapless Bounds in an interview on CNN.
Bounds and Jill Hazelbacker, 27, are former University of Oregon classmates who took over McCain's PR when the campaign was out of money a year ago and are still running the show now that he is the nominee.
Their Googled past is a virtual blank, except for an Oregonian feature that reveals Bounds' mother recalling "he declaimed in paragraphs in his playpen," even if no one understood what he was saying.
McCain, who is more than twice as old as his mouthpieces, should think seriously about getting spokespeople who are not still in the playpen. As he keeps telling us, experience counts.
Palin Attackers' Crystal Ball
In the first recorded case of political pre-cognition, Sarah Palin is refusing to cooperate in the Troopergate case on the grounds that Obama supporters in the Alaska Legislature are behind the investigation, which began on a bipartisan basis in July, two months before John McCain picked her as his running mate.
The less-than-momentous question of whether the Governor fired the commissioner who refused to fire her former brother-in-law is becoming a more important reflection of how the Vice-Presidential candidate deals with opposition.
There is a touch of Nixonian stonewalling, combined with Joe McCarthy-like smearing of the opposition, in her backers' insistence on turning an accusation of her misbehavior into attacks on those who are trying to get at the truth about what she did or didn't do.
A McCain spokesman said today that Palin will not cooperate with "that investigation so long as it remained tainted and run by partisan individuals who have a predetermined conclusion."
The fascinating question is how and why those nefarious Obama supporters decided to start mistreating her last summer.
The less-than-momentous question of whether the Governor fired the commissioner who refused to fire her former brother-in-law is becoming a more important reflection of how the Vice-Presidential candidate deals with opposition.
There is a touch of Nixonian stonewalling, combined with Joe McCarthy-like smearing of the opposition, in her backers' insistence on turning an accusation of her misbehavior into attacks on those who are trying to get at the truth about what she did or didn't do.
A McCain spokesman said today that Palin will not cooperate with "that investigation so long as it remained tainted and run by partisan individuals who have a predetermined conclusion."
The fascinating question is how and why those nefarious Obama supporters decided to start mistreating her last summer.
Monday, September 15, 2008
The Woman Behind "The Women"
They're showing Clare Boothe Luce's satire of her gender again on Turner Class Movies tonight and, in the year of Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin, memory brings back one of the most famous--and fascinating--political women of the past century.
As the new editor of McCalls in 1965, I inherited her as a columnist after my predecessor hired her to balance Eleanor Roosevelt with a conservative icon. But now Mrs. Roosevelt had died, and, to my discomfort, I was left with the caustic writer, a former member of Congress and Ambassador to Italy, wife of America’s most powerful publisher, known for consigning enemies to publicity hell, as she did a respected politician by noting her problems with him went back to “when Senator Wayne Morse was kicked in the head by a horse.”
After cocktails at lunch, I said earnestly, "Since you and I disagree about so much politically, I don’t see how we’re going to work together. We might keep making each other uncomfortable.”
With a dazzling smile, she answered, “Why don’t we try? I promise never to make you uncomfortable.”
She kept her promise. For the next three years, she wrote charming, sometimes touching pieces on manners, morals and culture, carefully skirting politics.
We would meet for lunch, spend a few minutes talking about the column, then argue amiably about politics. In her early sixties, Clare was a seductive storyteller and shrewd observer. When I told her about trying to protect Jacqueline Kennedy from embarrassment only to have her cancel an interview and give it to a competing magazine, Clare said sweetly, “The Kennedys leave no good deed unpunished.”
She talked often about her husband. Their turbulent marriage had settled into a kind of prickly peace, and she loved telling stories at his expense, about his misadventures as “the world’s worst driver” and his cantankerousness. They had just built a house in Hawaii, and the new cook asked, “How does Mr. Luce like his eggs?” “Any way,” Clare answered, “that you can’t cook them.”
She liked men but was an affectionate skeptic. "They say women talk too much," she once said. "If you've worked in Congress, you know the filibuster was invented by men." And: "A man's home looks like his castle on the outside. Inside, it's more like his nursery."
Early in 1967, after Luce died suddenly, I went to see her. Dressed in black, Clare seemed pale and fragile. In a disembodied voice, she talked about how free his life had been of suffering, how even death had come without pain. As always, her tone was wryly affectionate with an undercurrent of anger.
Just before I left, her voice softened. “The people from Time Inc. came yesterday,” she said, “and I made up my mind not to cry, so I put on false eyelashes...”
She looked at me. “But I don’t have them on now,” and broke into tears.
On the way out, I reminded myself Clare had been an actress, but if those tears were a performance, it was a good one.
As the new editor of McCalls in 1965, I inherited her as a columnist after my predecessor hired her to balance Eleanor Roosevelt with a conservative icon. But now Mrs. Roosevelt had died, and, to my discomfort, I was left with the caustic writer, a former member of Congress and Ambassador to Italy, wife of America’s most powerful publisher, known for consigning enemies to publicity hell, as she did a respected politician by noting her problems with him went back to “when Senator Wayne Morse was kicked in the head by a horse.”
After cocktails at lunch, I said earnestly, "Since you and I disagree about so much politically, I don’t see how we’re going to work together. We might keep making each other uncomfortable.”
With a dazzling smile, she answered, “Why don’t we try? I promise never to make you uncomfortable.”
She kept her promise. For the next three years, she wrote charming, sometimes touching pieces on manners, morals and culture, carefully skirting politics.
We would meet for lunch, spend a few minutes talking about the column, then argue amiably about politics. In her early sixties, Clare was a seductive storyteller and shrewd observer. When I told her about trying to protect Jacqueline Kennedy from embarrassment only to have her cancel an interview and give it to a competing magazine, Clare said sweetly, “The Kennedys leave no good deed unpunished.”
She talked often about her husband. Their turbulent marriage had settled into a kind of prickly peace, and she loved telling stories at his expense, about his misadventures as “the world’s worst driver” and his cantankerousness. They had just built a house in Hawaii, and the new cook asked, “How does Mr. Luce like his eggs?” “Any way,” Clare answered, “that you can’t cook them.”
She liked men but was an affectionate skeptic. "They say women talk too much," she once said. "If you've worked in Congress, you know the filibuster was invented by men." And: "A man's home looks like his castle on the outside. Inside, it's more like his nursery."
Early in 1967, after Luce died suddenly, I went to see her. Dressed in black, Clare seemed pale and fragile. In a disembodied voice, she talked about how free his life had been of suffering, how even death had come without pain. As always, her tone was wryly affectionate with an undercurrent of anger.
Just before I left, her voice softened. “The people from Time Inc. came yesterday,” she said, “and I made up my mind not to cry, so I put on false eyelashes...”
She looked at me. “But I don’t have them on now,” and broke into tears.
On the way out, I reminded myself Clare had been an actress, but if those tears were a performance, it was a good one.
Money Under the Mattress?
Childhood nightmares of the 1930s Depression are back today with the fall of Lehman Brothers and Merrill Lynch as the unthinkable becomes the possibly avoidable in a national economic meltdown.
"Will the U.S. financial system collapse today," asks economist Paul Krugman, "or maybe over the next few days? I don’t think so--but I’m nowhere near certain."
As a small-account holder at Merrill Lynch, my antennae went up after a phone call from someone there this weekend trying to sell me a certificate of deposit--an unprecedented pitch for cash to bail out the huge investment house.
Where did all the money go? "To understand the problem," Krugman writes, "you need to know that the old world of banking...has largely vanished, replaced by what is widely called the 'shadow banking system'...(M)ost of the business of finance is carried out through complex deals arranged by 'nondepository' institutions, institutions like the late lamented Bear Stearns--and Lehman.
"The new system was supposed to do a better job of spreading and reducing risk. But in the aftermath of the housing bust and the resulting mortgage crisis, it seems apparent that risk wasn’t so much reduced as hidden: all too many investors had no idea how exposed they were."
So do we withdraw whatever money we have and put it in The First Bank of Sealy Posturepedic and start looking forward to former stockbrokers selling apples on street corners?
Not quite yet, but extreme caution is in the air. Krugman says "the system has been experiencing postmodern bank runs. These don’t look like the old-fashioned version: with few exceptions, we’re not talking about mobs of distraught depositors pounding on closed bank doors. Instead, we’re talking about frantic phone calls and mouse clicks, as financial players pull credit lines and try to unwind counterparty risk. But the economic effects--a freezing up of credit, a downward spiral in asset values--are the same as those of the great bank runs of the 1930s."
To put it in terms of the presidential election campaign: Are you feeling better off than you did eight years ago?
"Will the U.S. financial system collapse today," asks economist Paul Krugman, "or maybe over the next few days? I don’t think so--but I’m nowhere near certain."
As a small-account holder at Merrill Lynch, my antennae went up after a phone call from someone there this weekend trying to sell me a certificate of deposit--an unprecedented pitch for cash to bail out the huge investment house.
Where did all the money go? "To understand the problem," Krugman writes, "you need to know that the old world of banking...has largely vanished, replaced by what is widely called the 'shadow banking system'...(M)ost of the business of finance is carried out through complex deals arranged by 'nondepository' institutions, institutions like the late lamented Bear Stearns--and Lehman.
"The new system was supposed to do a better job of spreading and reducing risk. But in the aftermath of the housing bust and the resulting mortgage crisis, it seems apparent that risk wasn’t so much reduced as hidden: all too many investors had no idea how exposed they were."
So do we withdraw whatever money we have and put it in The First Bank of Sealy Posturepedic and start looking forward to former stockbrokers selling apples on street corners?
Not quite yet, but extreme caution is in the air. Krugman says "the system has been experiencing postmodern bank runs. These don’t look like the old-fashioned version: with few exceptions, we’re not talking about mobs of distraught depositors pounding on closed bank doors. Instead, we’re talking about frantic phone calls and mouse clicks, as financial players pull credit lines and try to unwind counterparty risk. But the economic effects--a freezing up of credit, a downward spiral in asset values--are the same as those of the great bank runs of the 1930s."
To put it in terms of the presidential election campaign: Are you feeling better off than you did eight years ago?
Sunday, September 14, 2008
Elder Statesman of Sleaze
Karl Rove, who smeared John McCain out of the presidency eight years ago, finds his victim's use of those tactics now against Barack Obama a trifle too crude for his taste.
"McCain," Karl Rove said today on Fox News, "has...gone one step too far and sort of attributing to Obama things that are, you know, beyond the '100 percent truth' test."
Rove, in effect, is criticizing his own protégés in the McCain campaign, saying "there ought to be an adult who says, 'Do we really need to go that far in this ad? Don't we make our point and won't we get broader acceptance and deny the opposition an opportunity to attack us if we don't include that one little last tweak in the ad?'"
Amid the talk about pigs and lipstick, Rove's remarks call to mind the old saying about thrift--using every porker part but the squeal. As a paid pundit for Fox, Rove has even found a way to profit from that.
"McCain," Karl Rove said today on Fox News, "has...gone one step too far and sort of attributing to Obama things that are, you know, beyond the '100 percent truth' test."
Rove, in effect, is criticizing his own protégés in the McCain campaign, saying "there ought to be an adult who says, 'Do we really need to go that far in this ad? Don't we make our point and won't we get broader acceptance and deny the opposition an opportunity to attack us if we don't include that one little last tweak in the ad?'"
Amid the talk about pigs and lipstick, Rove's remarks call to mind the old saying about thrift--using every porker part but the squeal. As a paid pundit for Fox, Rove has even found a way to profit from that.
It's Not the Stupidity, Stupid
As Barack Obama's spokesman accuses John McCain of "the sleaziest and least honorable campaign in modern presidential campaign history," he is giving Republicans exactly what they want--shifting the focus of the election to personalities and tactics from what should be the main issue.
Ronald Reagan put it succinctly to voters in 1980: "Are you better off than you were four years ago?" The answer was a resounding no, and he swept a sitting president out of office.
This year the answer to the question, "Are you better off than you were eight years ago?" is so obvious and compelling that some in the Obama campaign seem to be acting on the assumption that it wouldn't be cool to keep harping on it.
They need a wakeup call similar to James Carville's 1992 reminder, "It's the economy, stupid" that saved Bill Clinton's effort against Bush 41 by keeping it on message: "It's not the stupidity, stupid."
It isn't the smear ads against Obama, the coded racial attacks that label him "different," the cynical selection of Sarah Palin, the McCain transition from straight talk to double talk. Those side shows are distractions from the main point that McCain has morphed into another Bush and is getting away with the claim that he represents change.
An ocean away, this seems clearer. The Sunday Telegraph quotes a Democratic Party official: "I really find it offensive when Democrats ask the Republicans not to be nasty to us, which is effectively what Obama keeps doing. They know that's how the game is played."
Of course, the smears and lies have to be addressed and swatted away like flies at a picnic, but that's the part-time work of staff and surrogates. Obama now is spending too much of his own time talking about "them" and what "they" are doing instead of telling voters what he will do to undo what the last eight years have brought them--loss of jobs, homes and health care to a wrong-headed war that has squandered lives and billions of dollars to the point of making most Americans despair about the future.
Obama himself seems to know that. "The McCain-Palin ticket," he said yesterday, "they don't want to debate the Obama-Biden ticket on issues because they are running on eight more years of what we've just seen. And they know it. As a consequence, what they're going to spend the next seven, eight weeks doing is trying to distract you."
He should remind his own staff, too.
Ronald Reagan put it succinctly to voters in 1980: "Are you better off than you were four years ago?" The answer was a resounding no, and he swept a sitting president out of office.
This year the answer to the question, "Are you better off than you were eight years ago?" is so obvious and compelling that some in the Obama campaign seem to be acting on the assumption that it wouldn't be cool to keep harping on it.
They need a wakeup call similar to James Carville's 1992 reminder, "It's the economy, stupid" that saved Bill Clinton's effort against Bush 41 by keeping it on message: "It's not the stupidity, stupid."
It isn't the smear ads against Obama, the coded racial attacks that label him "different," the cynical selection of Sarah Palin, the McCain transition from straight talk to double talk. Those side shows are distractions from the main point that McCain has morphed into another Bush and is getting away with the claim that he represents change.
An ocean away, this seems clearer. The Sunday Telegraph quotes a Democratic Party official: "I really find it offensive when Democrats ask the Republicans not to be nasty to us, which is effectively what Obama keeps doing. They know that's how the game is played."
Of course, the smears and lies have to be addressed and swatted away like flies at a picnic, but that's the part-time work of staff and surrogates. Obama now is spending too much of his own time talking about "them" and what "they" are doing instead of telling voters what he will do to undo what the last eight years have brought them--loss of jobs, homes and health care to a wrong-headed war that has squandered lives and billions of dollars to the point of making most Americans despair about the future.
Obama himself seems to know that. "The McCain-Palin ticket," he said yesterday, "they don't want to debate the Obama-Biden ticket on issues because they are running on eight more years of what we've just seen. And they know it. As a consequence, what they're going to spend the next seven, eight weeks doing is trying to distract you."
He should remind his own staff, too.
Saturday, September 13, 2008
Another Sunday Without Sarah
Tomorrow morning's political talk shows will offer interviews with a wide range of Republicans, including such women as Gov. Janet Napolitano of Arizona, Sen. Kay Baily-Hutchison of Texas, McCain advisors Carleton Fiorina and Nancy Pftotenhauer as well as former Massachusetts Acting Gov. Jane Swift.
Those interested in the politics of Alaska will hear from
Lt. Gov. Sean Parnell and former Democratic Gov. Tony Knowles, who lost the 2006 election to someone who will be unavailable to discuss politics before facing a Fox News grilling on Tuesday by Sean Hannity.
With less than two months to go before Election Day, voters may be reminded of the dramaturgy of such classic thrillers as "Laura" and "The Third Man," in which the lead character fails to appear until halfway through the movie, only after the others actors have been endlessly babbling away about her/him without revealing anything significant.
Those interested in the politics of Alaska will hear from
Lt. Gov. Sean Parnell and former Democratic Gov. Tony Knowles, who lost the 2006 election to someone who will be unavailable to discuss politics before facing a Fox News grilling on Tuesday by Sean Hannity.
With less than two months to go before Election Day, voters may be reminded of the dramaturgy of such classic thrillers as "Laura" and "The Third Man," in which the lead character fails to appear until halfway through the movie, only after the others actors have been endlessly babbling away about her/him without revealing anything significant.
Do the Clintons Really Want Obama to Win?
Amid all this year's psychodramas about gender, race and age, consider the conflict in the heart and soul of the 42nd President of the United States as he looks back at his past and ahead to his place in history.
This week Bill Clinton gave Barack Obama lunch in his Harlem office, a promise to do "whatever I'm asked" in the campaign and a prediction that Obama "will win and win handily" in November.
But nothing is simple in Clintonland. The day before, the former President had another visitor, billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, head of the "vast right wing conspiracy" that had financed his impeachment. They talked cozily about doing good in the world, just as Hillary had met with the editorial board of Scaife's Pittsburgh newspaper and won their endorsement in this year's primary.
Since there are no permanent friends or enemies in the Clintons' lives (ask Bill Richardson), their support of Obama requires close parsing.
Without his own marital melodrama, there would be little reason to doubt Clinton's sincerity about seeing Obama as a logical heir to his and JFK's Democratic legacies. But the bruising primary season and Hillary Clinton's future hopes can't be left out of the equation.
At times this year, Bill Clinton seemed to be subverting his wife's campaign out of pique in what Maureen Dowd called "a self-pitying meltdown about not being Elvis anymore" and, even worse, out of some twisted need to undermine the woman who stood by him. After the contest was over, he reportedly told friends that Obama would "have to kiss my ass" to get his support.
Now, to make matters even stickier, there is the complication of Sarah Palin. If John McCain, with a woman as his running mate, wins in November, the Democratic door is open for Hillary Clinton in 2012.
This means that both Clintons have to be careful in campaigning for Obama not to alienate diehard supporters who saw sexism in this year's defeat and would be a core part of her support the next time around. Those who refuse to back Obama would take it amiss if either Clinton went after Palin.
So for both Clintons, there is personal risk in going all out to get Obama elected.
The "Profiles in Courage" question is: Will they put their country and their party first? Or is it silly to ask?
This week Bill Clinton gave Barack Obama lunch in his Harlem office, a promise to do "whatever I'm asked" in the campaign and a prediction that Obama "will win and win handily" in November.
But nothing is simple in Clintonland. The day before, the former President had another visitor, billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, head of the "vast right wing conspiracy" that had financed his impeachment. They talked cozily about doing good in the world, just as Hillary had met with the editorial board of Scaife's Pittsburgh newspaper and won their endorsement in this year's primary.
Since there are no permanent friends or enemies in the Clintons' lives (ask Bill Richardson), their support of Obama requires close parsing.
Without his own marital melodrama, there would be little reason to doubt Clinton's sincerity about seeing Obama as a logical heir to his and JFK's Democratic legacies. But the bruising primary season and Hillary Clinton's future hopes can't be left out of the equation.
At times this year, Bill Clinton seemed to be subverting his wife's campaign out of pique in what Maureen Dowd called "a self-pitying meltdown about not being Elvis anymore" and, even worse, out of some twisted need to undermine the woman who stood by him. After the contest was over, he reportedly told friends that Obama would "have to kiss my ass" to get his support.
Now, to make matters even stickier, there is the complication of Sarah Palin. If John McCain, with a woman as his running mate, wins in November, the Democratic door is open for Hillary Clinton in 2012.
This means that both Clintons have to be careful in campaigning for Obama not to alienate diehard supporters who saw sexism in this year's defeat and would be a core part of her support the next time around. Those who refuse to back Obama would take it amiss if either Clinton went after Palin.
So for both Clintons, there is personal risk in going all out to get Obama elected.
The "Profiles in Courage" question is: Will they put their country and their party first? Or is it silly to ask?
Friday, September 12, 2008
Forces of Nature
With a Katrina-sized hurricane bearing down on Texas amid whirlwind parsing of Sarah Palin's interview by Charlie Gibson, this looks like a weekend of hunkering down and hoping--a time for looking inward and wishing for the best.
As rational creatures, we want an explanation for everything so we can figure out how to cope. But especially on the day after 9/11, we know that some events are unforeseeable and leave us feeling helpless.
Weather forecasters predict "certain death" for those who stay in the Galveston area, and Peggy Noonan tells Obama supporters about Palin, "You can never kill her now. Forget it. She can hurt herself, but in terms of Democratic attacks she is bulletproof."
The hurricane is an immediate threat to life and limb, so it may be insensitive and unfair to compare its force to the potential destructiveness of a political figure who may or may not devastate our national life in the future.
But both are reminders that, much as we think of ourselves as knowledgeable, competent and evolved human beings, there are things in life we can't control. We just have to wait them out until things get back to normal.
As rational creatures, we want an explanation for everything so we can figure out how to cope. But especially on the day after 9/11, we know that some events are unforeseeable and leave us feeling helpless.
Weather forecasters predict "certain death" for those who stay in the Galveston area, and Peggy Noonan tells Obama supporters about Palin, "You can never kill her now. Forget it. She can hurt herself, but in terms of Democratic attacks she is bulletproof."
The hurricane is an immediate threat to life and limb, so it may be insensitive and unfair to compare its force to the potential destructiveness of a political figure who may or may not devastate our national life in the future.
But both are reminders that, much as we think of ourselves as knowledgeable, competent and evolved human beings, there are things in life we can't control. We just have to wait them out until things get back to normal.
Thursday, September 11, 2008
The Case for Closer Campaign Encounters
Around their drive-by handshake at this evening's forum on public service, John McCain and Barack Obama showed voters their best selves, but there must be an alternative to the sliming of the past weeks and tonight's arm's length politesse.
Why doesn't Obama take McCain up on the offer he repeated tonight for face-to-face town hall encounters? In such a setting, McCain would not have been able to pass off Sarah Palin's slur on community organizers without being pressed by Obama to repudiate such glib mindlessness.
In a race that has tightened and with McCain's momentum from Palin effect, Obama should rethink his rejection of the town-hall setting as he did the issue of public financing. A presidential race is no place for a foolish consistency.
The single most pressing problem for the Obama campaign is the split-screen McCain campaign in which he presents himself as the honorable warrior against corruption while his ads and surrogates, especially Palin, take the low Rovian road of swiftboating his history and positions on issues.
The surest way to deal with that is face to face on as frequent a schedule as possible. The debate format leaves too much wiggle room for evasion.
Obama's best chance lies in accepting the opportunities for hand-to-hand combat. He has the truth on his side in most of the controversies that have been stirred up, and he certainly has the rhetorical skills to make the most of it.
Why doesn't Obama take McCain up on the offer he repeated tonight for face-to-face town hall encounters? In such a setting, McCain would not have been able to pass off Sarah Palin's slur on community organizers without being pressed by Obama to repudiate such glib mindlessness.
In a race that has tightened and with McCain's momentum from Palin effect, Obama should rethink his rejection of the town-hall setting as he did the issue of public financing. A presidential race is no place for a foolish consistency.
The single most pressing problem for the Obama campaign is the split-screen McCain campaign in which he presents himself as the honorable warrior against corruption while his ads and surrogates, especially Palin, take the low Rovian road of swiftboating his history and positions on issues.
The surest way to deal with that is face to face on as frequent a schedule as possible. The debate format leaves too much wiggle room for evasion.
Obama's best chance lies in accepting the opportunities for hand-to-hand combat. He has the truth on his side in most of the controversies that have been stirred up, and he certainly has the rhetorical skills to make the most of it.
The Truth About McCain-Palin Lies
Democrats are getting apoplectic about this year's flat-out lies by Republicans in their candidates' statements and TV commercials, with Obama supporters' fact-checking falling hopelessly behind the opposition output.
On his Washington Post blog, Michael Kinsley notes that "the routine acceptance of obvious lies now corrodes our politics as much as the money that was the subject of McCain’s famous act of Republican apostasy: McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform.
"McCain has described his motive for McCain-Feingold as a giant mea culpa for his involvement in the Keating Five scandal. Maybe when this is over, one way or another, McCain will swear off corrupt lying the way he has sworn off corrupt money."
Fat chance. FactCheck.org is as busy as Mickey Mouse, the Sorcerer's Apprentice in the Disney classic, trying to sweep up the misstatements, half-truths and whoppers flooding the national consciousness from the Karl Rove-trained McCain minions.
It all brings back my first experience with official lies as a reporter for the college newspaper. In an interview, a dean kept telling me things I knew weren't true, that he knew I knew weren't true but that he kept saying with a straight face.
In time, the dean went into his natural calling, politics, to become Deputy Mayor of New York but eventually had to resign in disgrace for misusing taxpayer money for personal purposes.
The happy ending to that story may have misled me into believing that liars are always eventually caught out, but this campaign is creating severe doubts.
Will McCain be able to do to Obama this year what Bush and Rove did to him in 2000? If he succeeds, we'll have to stop reading our children and grandchildren the Pinocchio story.
On his Washington Post blog, Michael Kinsley notes that "the routine acceptance of obvious lies now corrodes our politics as much as the money that was the subject of McCain’s famous act of Republican apostasy: McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform.
"McCain has described his motive for McCain-Feingold as a giant mea culpa for his involvement in the Keating Five scandal. Maybe when this is over, one way or another, McCain will swear off corrupt lying the way he has sworn off corrupt money."
Fat chance. FactCheck.org is as busy as Mickey Mouse, the Sorcerer's Apprentice in the Disney classic, trying to sweep up the misstatements, half-truths and whoppers flooding the national consciousness from the Karl Rove-trained McCain minions.
It all brings back my first experience with official lies as a reporter for the college newspaper. In an interview, a dean kept telling me things I knew weren't true, that he knew I knew weren't true but that he kept saying with a straight face.
In time, the dean went into his natural calling, politics, to become Deputy Mayor of New York but eventually had to resign in disgrace for misusing taxpayer money for personal purposes.
The happy ending to that story may have misled me into believing that liars are always eventually caught out, but this campaign is creating severe doubts.
Will McCain be able to do to Obama this year what Bush and Rove did to him in 2000? If he succeeds, we'll have to stop reading our children and grandchildren the Pinocchio story.
Playing for Keeps in Pakistan
After seven years of Musharraf's shell game, the stakes are getting serious as American Special Ops forces are carrying out ground assaults against terrorist safe havens inside their borders without the prior approval of the Pakistani government.
The Bush Administration has finally done what critics, including Barack Obama and Joe Biden, have long been urging, but the public charade still goes on.
"Pakistan's "territorial integrity...will be defended at all cost and no external force is allowed to conduct operations...inside Pakistan," huffs Chief of Army Staff Gen. Parvez Kayani, who succeeded Pervez Musharraf after he stepped down.
"American officials," reports the New York Times, "say that they will notify Pakistan when they conduct limited ground attacks like the Special Operations raid last Wednesday in a Pakistani village near the Afghanistan border, but that they will not ask for its permission.
“"The situation in the tribal areas is not tolerable,' said a senior American official who, like others interviewed for this article, spoke on condition of anonymity because of the delicate nature of the missions. 'We have to be more assertive. Orders have been issued.'
"The new orders reflect concern about safe havens for Al Qaeda and the Taliban inside Pakistan, as well as an American view that Pakistan lacks the will and ability to combat militants. They also illustrate lingering distrust of the Pakistani military and intelligence agencies and a belief that some American operations had been compromised once Pakistanis were advised of the details."
But the deathbed conversion of the Bush Administration will leave the next president with the unsolved problem of protecting American interests without arousing enough hostility in Pakistan to topple the new government in favor of radical Islamists.
Now that Musharraf's three-card monte is over, the real diplomatic and military game can begin.
The Bush Administration has finally done what critics, including Barack Obama and Joe Biden, have long been urging, but the public charade still goes on.
"Pakistan's "territorial integrity...will be defended at all cost and no external force is allowed to conduct operations...inside Pakistan," huffs Chief of Army Staff Gen. Parvez Kayani, who succeeded Pervez Musharraf after he stepped down.
"American officials," reports the New York Times, "say that they will notify Pakistan when they conduct limited ground attacks like the Special Operations raid last Wednesday in a Pakistani village near the Afghanistan border, but that they will not ask for its permission.
“"The situation in the tribal areas is not tolerable,' said a senior American official who, like others interviewed for this article, spoke on condition of anonymity because of the delicate nature of the missions. 'We have to be more assertive. Orders have been issued.'
"The new orders reflect concern about safe havens for Al Qaeda and the Taliban inside Pakistan, as well as an American view that Pakistan lacks the will and ability to combat militants. They also illustrate lingering distrust of the Pakistani military and intelligence agencies and a belief that some American operations had been compromised once Pakistanis were advised of the details."
But the deathbed conversion of the Bush Administration will leave the next president with the unsolved problem of protecting American interests without arousing enough hostility in Pakistan to topple the new government in favor of radical Islamists.
Now that Musharraf's three-card monte is over, the real diplomatic and military game can begin.
9/11
When the planes hit the Twin Towers and the Pentagon that morning, I said to someone, "This is the worst day of my life."
I didn't know then what I meant, but it was as if the crust of the earth had suddenly cracked and we would never again feel safe going about our daily lives. Over time, that feeling has receded, but the world has not been the same since.
What we lost that day seven years ago is social trust--the sense of not having to be constantly on guard against the malice of unknown people who want to hurt or kill us for no personal reason whatsoever.
Before 9/11, we took for granted unspoken rules that protect us: We could walk safely in front of cars that would stop for red lights, eat food that had passed through the hands of countless unseen people, hand over our children every day to strangers who would protect and nurture them.
We still do all that and more every day, but we can’t board a plane, go to a stadium or walk a crowded street with the same sense of security we had before 9/11/01.
Our public life has become meaner, coarser and, in this political season, we are not the people we were in the last century--fiercely opinionated, intensely competitive but optimistic and generous underneath it all.
When Barack Obama and John McCain come to New York for a forum after the Ground Zero memorial today, we can only hope that some of that spirit is still there to inspire them.
I didn't know then what I meant, but it was as if the crust of the earth had suddenly cracked and we would never again feel safe going about our daily lives. Over time, that feeling has receded, but the world has not been the same since.
What we lost that day seven years ago is social trust--the sense of not having to be constantly on guard against the malice of unknown people who want to hurt or kill us for no personal reason whatsoever.
Before 9/11, we took for granted unspoken rules that protect us: We could walk safely in front of cars that would stop for red lights, eat food that had passed through the hands of countless unseen people, hand over our children every day to strangers who would protect and nurture them.
We still do all that and more every day, but we can’t board a plane, go to a stadium or walk a crowded street with the same sense of security we had before 9/11/01.
Our public life has become meaner, coarser and, in this political season, we are not the people we were in the last century--fiercely opinionated, intensely competitive but optimistic and generous underneath it all.
When Barack Obama and John McCain come to New York for a forum after the Ground Zero memorial today, we can only hope that some of that spirit is still there to inspire them.
Wednesday, September 10, 2008
Sarah Palin Steps Up
Has it only been a week? The "My Fair Lady" metaphor, footwear and all, comes full circle with Maureen Dowd's column today:
"I hope John McCain doesn’t throw his slippers at Sarah Palin’s head or get as acerbic as Henry Higgins did with Eliza Doolittle when she did not learn quickly enough. McCain’s Pygmalion has to be careful, because his Galatea might be armed with more than a sharp tongue.
"For the first time in American history, we have a 'My Fair Lady' moment, as teams of experts bustle around the most famous woman in politics, intensely coaching her for her big moment at the ball--her first unscripted interview here this week with ABC News’s Charlie Gibson."
Last Wednesday I wrote:
"With a phalanx of Henry Higginses and Col. Pickerings, Sarah Palin is being prepped for her Eliza Doolittle debut at the Republican equivalent of the Embassy Ball tonight...
"But before we enjoy the catharsis of Eliza flinging slippers at Henry Higgins, we might want to keep in mind how that climactic scene would play in the Oval Office where something more substantial than slippers might be the nearest objects at hand."
That should do it for Palin in the Shoe Department, unless someone wants to go another round with Cinderella's glass slipper. Anyone for a few words on how it feels to be in Joe Biden's boots?
"I hope John McCain doesn’t throw his slippers at Sarah Palin’s head or get as acerbic as Henry Higgins did with Eliza Doolittle when she did not learn quickly enough. McCain’s Pygmalion has to be careful, because his Galatea might be armed with more than a sharp tongue.
"For the first time in American history, we have a 'My Fair Lady' moment, as teams of experts bustle around the most famous woman in politics, intensely coaching her for her big moment at the ball--her first unscripted interview here this week with ABC News’s Charlie Gibson."
Last Wednesday I wrote:
"With a phalanx of Henry Higginses and Col. Pickerings, Sarah Palin is being prepped for her Eliza Doolittle debut at the Republican equivalent of the Embassy Ball tonight...
"But before we enjoy the catharsis of Eliza flinging slippers at Henry Higgins, we might want to keep in mind how that climactic scene would play in the Oval Office where something more substantial than slippers might be the nearest objects at hand."
That should do it for Palin in the Shoe Department, unless someone wants to go another round with Cinderella's glass slipper. Anyone for a few words on how it feels to be in Joe Biden's boots?
The Iraq Time Bomb
As a lame duck president announces a minuscule withdrawal of several thousand troops out of more than 140,000 by next March, the rising suicide rate of active-duty soldiers and returning veterans offers a glimpse of the time bomb George W. Bush is leaving behind in American life with a misbegotten war that has killed 4155, wounded more than 30,000 and psychically scarred who-knows-how-many young men and women for years to come.
For what? To fulfill the pipe dreams of armchair Neo-Con warriors who never wore a uniform, drain more than half a trillion dollars from a sagging economy and allow John McCain to campaign for president wearing a Navy cap and prattle about "victory" in an occupation with no end in sight.
As the Army suicide rate threatens to surpass that of the general population, the Secretary of the Army admits, "Army leaders are fully aware that repeated deployments have led to increased distress and anxiety for both soldiers and their families. This stress on the force is validated by recent studies of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans reporting symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder or major depression."
How did this abomination of a war that led outraged voters to take away Republican control of Congress less than two years ago recede into an abstraction that barely registers on their list of concerns now?
How did all the blood and emotional distress of the past five years and the pain of years to come suddenly fade from consciousness.
As we mourn the victims of 9/11 tomorrow, we should give some thought to those who have died since and those yet to die from a failure of American leadership after that trauma.
For what? To fulfill the pipe dreams of armchair Neo-Con warriors who never wore a uniform, drain more than half a trillion dollars from a sagging economy and allow John McCain to campaign for president wearing a Navy cap and prattle about "victory" in an occupation with no end in sight.
As the Army suicide rate threatens to surpass that of the general population, the Secretary of the Army admits, "Army leaders are fully aware that repeated deployments have led to increased distress and anxiety for both soldiers and their families. This stress on the force is validated by recent studies of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans reporting symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder or major depression."
How did this abomination of a war that led outraged voters to take away Republican control of Congress less than two years ago recede into an abstraction that barely registers on their list of concerns now?
How did all the blood and emotional distress of the past five years and the pain of years to come suddenly fade from consciousness.
As we mourn the victims of 9/11 tomorrow, we should give some thought to those who have died since and those yet to die from a failure of American leadership after that trauma.
Tuesday, September 09, 2008
Palin: Speaking in Forked Tongues
The surge in untruth from the McCain campaign this week may have its roots in the Pentacostal faith that Sarah Palin practiced all her adult life until she entered politics six years ago.
"When the spirit comes on you," a fellow Assembly of God member discloses, "you utter things that nobody else can understand ... only God can understand what is coming out of our mouths."
That might explain what unbelievers are seeing as Palin's lies about opposing the Bridge to Nowhere, soliciting pork for Wasila, her Troopergate involvement and the growing list of fast-and-loose statements on the campaign trail.
Palin's former pastor, Tim McGraw, says some of his members speak in tongues, although he says he's never seen Palin do so, and believe in "faith healing" and the "end times," a violent upheaval that will herald Jesus Christ's second coming, both iffy propositions for placing someone a heartbeat away from the Oval Office.
Some Democrats, such as Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, a former Hillary Clinton supporter, are starting to speak out about "the big lie strategy" by the McCain-Palin campaign, but they may just not be sufficiently tuned in to the phenomenon of speaking in tongues.
"When the spirit comes on you," a fellow Assembly of God member discloses, "you utter things that nobody else can understand ... only God can understand what is coming out of our mouths."
That might explain what unbelievers are seeing as Palin's lies about opposing the Bridge to Nowhere, soliciting pork for Wasila, her Troopergate involvement and the growing list of fast-and-loose statements on the campaign trail.
Palin's former pastor, Tim McGraw, says some of his members speak in tongues, although he says he's never seen Palin do so, and believe in "faith healing" and the "end times," a violent upheaval that will herald Jesus Christ's second coming, both iffy propositions for placing someone a heartbeat away from the Oval Office.
Some Democrats, such as Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, a former Hillary Clinton supporter, are starting to speak out about "the big lie strategy" by the McCain-Palin campaign, but they may just not be sufficiently tuned in to the phenomenon of speaking in tongues.
Beyond the Bailout
The Republican mantra--government bad, free markets good--is taking a beating in the Fannie Mae/Freddie Mac bailout as both presidential candidates approve the Treasury's action to keep the housing and financial markets from going over a cliff but, in this personality-driven election, voters won't pay much attention to the issue.
Barack Obama is understandably reluctant to talk about the Bush Administration's and Congress' lack of oversight that led to the fiasco for fear of being attacked as a proponent of Big Government. John McCain, with his Keating Five background, will avoid the subject and keep pounding away at "business as usual" in Washington.
But behind all the clichés, the bailout should prompt some serious thinking about the balance between freedom and responsibility in a capitalist system that has made the nation prosperous but can cause chaos when all regulation is seen as bad and the cowboys of the financial world are free to do whatever they want.
Only the oldest of American generations now remembers the bank closures and panic of the 1930s even as the FDIC's problem bank list grows larger each month. The others don't know what a run on the local bank looks like, except from watching Jimmy Stewart in "It's a Wonderful Life."
At some point, in the presidential debates about change, the candidates should be pressed for straight talk about the role and size of government needed to keep Americans both free and secure.
Barack Obama is understandably reluctant to talk about the Bush Administration's and Congress' lack of oversight that led to the fiasco for fear of being attacked as a proponent of Big Government. John McCain, with his Keating Five background, will avoid the subject and keep pounding away at "business as usual" in Washington.
But behind all the clichés, the bailout should prompt some serious thinking about the balance between freedom and responsibility in a capitalist system that has made the nation prosperous but can cause chaos when all regulation is seen as bad and the cowboys of the financial world are free to do whatever they want.
Only the oldest of American generations now remembers the bank closures and panic of the 1930s even as the FDIC's problem bank list grows larger each month. The others don't know what a run on the local bank looks like, except from watching Jimmy Stewart in "It's a Wonderful Life."
At some point, in the presidential debates about change, the candidates should be pressed for straight talk about the role and size of government needed to keep Americans both free and secure.
Monday, September 08, 2008
"Wag the Dog" Campaign
Democratic nightmares about Sarah Palin were anticipated by two Barry Levinson movies--"Wag the Dog" in 1997 about creating a for-TV-only event to distract voters, followed by "Man of the Year" in 2006, wherein a pop personality is elected to clean up the mess in Washington.
The McCain campaign is following the scripts closely, bringing out Palin slowly according to the "Wag the Dog" producer's plan: "You gotta tease them. You don't put Jaws in the first reel of the movie. It's the contract, sweetheart. The contract of the election, whether they know it or not, is 'Vote for me Tuesday, Wednesday I'll produce Schumann [the fabricated war hero].' See, that's what they're paying their seven bucks for."
His media strategy: "What difference does it make if it's true? If it's a story and it breaks, they're gonna run with it."
As for the upcoming VP candidate debate, in "Man of the Year," a character explains: "If everything seems credible then nothing seems credible. You know, TV puts everybody in those boxes, side-by-side. On one side, there's this certifiable lunatic who says the Holocaust never happened. And next to him is this noted, honored historian who knows all about the Holocaust.
"And now, there they sit, side-by-side, they look like equals! Everything they say seems to be credible. And so, as it goes on, nothing seems credible anymore! We just stopped listening!"
Maybe Levinson, who must be a Democrat, should sue for copyright infringement.
The McCain campaign is following the scripts closely, bringing out Palin slowly according to the "Wag the Dog" producer's plan: "You gotta tease them. You don't put Jaws in the first reel of the movie. It's the contract, sweetheart. The contract of the election, whether they know it or not, is 'Vote for me Tuesday, Wednesday I'll produce Schumann [the fabricated war hero].' See, that's what they're paying their seven bucks for."
His media strategy: "What difference does it make if it's true? If it's a story and it breaks, they're gonna run with it."
As for the upcoming VP candidate debate, in "Man of the Year," a character explains: "If everything seems credible then nothing seems credible. You know, TV puts everybody in those boxes, side-by-side. On one side, there's this certifiable lunatic who says the Holocaust never happened. And next to him is this noted, honored historian who knows all about the Holocaust.
"And now, there they sit, side-by-side, they look like equals! Everything they say seems to be credible. And so, as it goes on, nothing seems credible anymore! We just stopped listening!"
Maybe Levinson, who must be a Democrat, should sue for copyright infringement.
Congressional Tap Dancing
Oil drilling, yes. Children's health insurance, no. Economic stimulus, by all means. The priorities of the pre-election Congress this week reflect the political verdict on what will turn on voters in November but promise little of substance.
Democrats will bring to the floor an energy plan that would blunt Republican campaign attacks by opening some areas to coastal drilling while providing incentives for alternative energy and reducing subsidies for oil companies.
Meanwhile, they are letting Republicans off the hook on expanding the Children's Health Insurance Program by not forcing the issue and making them vote up or down on overriding another Bush veto.
Instead, Democrats will focus on another economic stimulus bill to follow the earlier one, which seems to have had no effect whatsoever on the lagging economy.
“This situation is yet another stark reminder that we live in difficult economic times and we must do more to help struggling families reach the American dream,” says Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. “That is why I urge President Bush, Senator McCain and other Republicans to work with Democrats in the immediate days ahead to enact an economic recovery package.”
All this will translate into campaign rhetoric, but will voters believe that these posturing politicians are doing anything substantive?
Democrats will bring to the floor an energy plan that would blunt Republican campaign attacks by opening some areas to coastal drilling while providing incentives for alternative energy and reducing subsidies for oil companies.
Meanwhile, they are letting Republicans off the hook on expanding the Children's Health Insurance Program by not forcing the issue and making them vote up or down on overriding another Bush veto.
Instead, Democrats will focus on another economic stimulus bill to follow the earlier one, which seems to have had no effect whatsoever on the lagging economy.
“This situation is yet another stark reminder that we live in difficult economic times and we must do more to help struggling families reach the American dream,” says Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. “That is why I urge President Bush, Senator McCain and other Republicans to work with Democrats in the immediate days ahead to enact an economic recovery package.”
All this will translate into campaign rhetoric, but will voters believe that these posturing politicians are doing anything substantive?
Sunday, September 07, 2008
The Smart/Shrewd Divide
After eight years of obstinate stupidity in the White House, the change voters should want most is a combination of common sense and common decency.
"You can't beat brains," JFK used to say, but this year's debate has somehow been shifted to a mistrust of intelligence--at first by Hillary Clinton's attacks on Barack Obama as naïve, followed by John McCain's claims of wisdom only through suffering and now by Sarah Palin's salty assertion of hockey-mom shrewdness.
What will be at stake in the next two months is how Americans judge the qualities of mind they want in a president. The threat of terrorism, the woes of the economy, the endangered environment require more than a sound-bite mentality and a determination to, in the most frequently used word in McCain's acceptance speech, "fight" and respond to mindless chants of "drill, baby, drill."
In the campaign, Barack Obama's open-mindedness is being distorted into irresolution, but what he would bring, as conservative David Brooks noted almost two years ago, is "a deliberative style to the White House [that] will multiply his knowledge, not divide it.”
So far, John McCain's campaign has been fueled by the same Karl Rovian "cleverness," the familiar cast of lobbyists, the cronyness of opportunists like Joe Lieberman and now the selection of a VP who puts a fresh face on the same stale ideas of the Religious Right and the Neo-Cons.
Obama himself and those who support him know he doesn't have all the answers, but he will be asking the right questions and bringing to bear what the best minds have to offer in searching for solutions.
If voters are going to risk the future on real change, they would do well to take their chances with brains in the White House rather revert to what Richard Hofstadter labeled "The Paranoid Style in American Politics" and "Anti-Intellectualism in American Life" almost half a century ago.
"You can't beat brains," JFK used to say, but this year's debate has somehow been shifted to a mistrust of intelligence--at first by Hillary Clinton's attacks on Barack Obama as naïve, followed by John McCain's claims of wisdom only through suffering and now by Sarah Palin's salty assertion of hockey-mom shrewdness.
What will be at stake in the next two months is how Americans judge the qualities of mind they want in a president. The threat of terrorism, the woes of the economy, the endangered environment require more than a sound-bite mentality and a determination to, in the most frequently used word in McCain's acceptance speech, "fight" and respond to mindless chants of "drill, baby, drill."
In the campaign, Barack Obama's open-mindedness is being distorted into irresolution, but what he would bring, as conservative David Brooks noted almost two years ago, is "a deliberative style to the White House [that] will multiply his knowledge, not divide it.”
So far, John McCain's campaign has been fueled by the same Karl Rovian "cleverness," the familiar cast of lobbyists, the cronyness of opportunists like Joe Lieberman and now the selection of a VP who puts a fresh face on the same stale ideas of the Religious Right and the Neo-Cons.
Obama himself and those who support him know he doesn't have all the answers, but he will be asking the right questions and bringing to bear what the best minds have to offer in searching for solutions.
If voters are going to risk the future on real change, they would do well to take their chances with brains in the White House rather revert to what Richard Hofstadter labeled "The Paranoid Style in American Politics" and "Anti-Intellectualism in American Life" almost half a century ago.
Saturday, September 06, 2008
Hide-and-Seek Sarah Palin
Three of four candidates on the presidential tickets will be on the Sunday morning talk shows tomorrow, but guess who's missing?
Sarah Palin, the self-proclaimed pit bull, is out on the trail bashing both Barack Obama and Joe Biden, but her handlers have apparently decided she is not ready for prime time, except in situations where the nosy media can't ask questions.
They brought her out today at an airport rally for thousands in Colorado Springs, waving American flags and chanting “Sarah Palin, Sarah Palin." She told them that Joe Biden "can claim many chairmanships across many, many years in Washington, and certainly many friends in the Washington establishment. But even those admirers would not be able to call him an agent of change."
Perhaps the change that Republicans are planning to offer voters this year is a vice-presidential candidate who will lip-synch her way through the campaign with scripted sound bites but seldom make herself available for reporters' questions about her history or positions on issues.
It might be a relief from Dick Cheney, who has always had too many opinions, but is the alternative a performer in a ventriloquist's act?
Sarah Palin, the self-proclaimed pit bull, is out on the trail bashing both Barack Obama and Joe Biden, but her handlers have apparently decided she is not ready for prime time, except in situations where the nosy media can't ask questions.
They brought her out today at an airport rally for thousands in Colorado Springs, waving American flags and chanting “Sarah Palin, Sarah Palin." She told them that Joe Biden "can claim many chairmanships across many, many years in Washington, and certainly many friends in the Washington establishment. But even those admirers would not be able to call him an agent of change."
Perhaps the change that Republicans are planning to offer voters this year is a vice-presidential candidate who will lip-synch her way through the campaign with scripted sound bites but seldom make herself available for reporters' questions about her history or positions on issues.
It might be a relief from Dick Cheney, who has always had too many opinions, but is the alternative a performer in a ventriloquist's act?
A 9/11 Break From Rancor
For an instant next Thursday, the election-year tide of acrimony and attack ads will be rolled back as Barack Obama and John McCain come together at Ground Zero to mark the seventh anniversary of the terrorist attacks of 2001.
“All of us came together on 9/11--not as Democrats or Republicans--but as Americans,” the candidates said in a joint statement today. “In smoke-filled corridors and on the steps of the Capitol, at blood banks and at vigils, we were united as one American family.
“On Thursday, we will put aside politics and come together to renew that unity, to honor the memory of each and every American who died, and to grieve with the families and friends who lost loved ones. We will also give thanks for the firefighters, police, and emergency responders who set a heroic example of selfless service, and for the men and women who serve today in defense of the freedom and security that came under attack in New York City, at the Pentagon, and in Shanksville, Pennsylvania.”
The idea of a joint appearance was broached by Obama in a congratulatory phone call to McCain after his convention speech, and the two will be appear afterward in a forum at Columbia University.
It may not be a healing moment for the candidates, but for the rest of us, their actions on Thursday will be a reminder of the true spirit of patriotism and civility that Americans are hungering for in public life.
“All of us came together on 9/11--not as Democrats or Republicans--but as Americans,” the candidates said in a joint statement today. “In smoke-filled corridors and on the steps of the Capitol, at blood banks and at vigils, we were united as one American family.
“On Thursday, we will put aside politics and come together to renew that unity, to honor the memory of each and every American who died, and to grieve with the families and friends who lost loved ones. We will also give thanks for the firefighters, police, and emergency responders who set a heroic example of selfless service, and for the men and women who serve today in defense of the freedom and security that came under attack in New York City, at the Pentagon, and in Shanksville, Pennsylvania.”
The idea of a joint appearance was broached by Obama in a congratulatory phone call to McCain after his convention speech, and the two will be appear afterward in a forum at Columbia University.
It may not be a healing moment for the candidates, but for the rest of us, their actions on Thursday will be a reminder of the true spirit of patriotism and civility that Americans are hungering for in public life.
Oprah, Palin, Drudge and Agnew
In her convention speech, Sarah Palin bashed the media with "a little news flash for all those reporters and commentators: I'm not going to Washington to seek their good opinion." Her defiance harked back to another GOP VP, Spiro Agnew, who assailed the "nattering nabobs of negativism" before being forced to resign for taking bundles of cash when he was a governor.
Palin is, among other things, the Agnew of a McCain campaign as eager to blame the media for its problems as the Nixon Administration was back then, and now good old reliable Matt Drudge has started the ball rolling with an assault on Oprah for not inviting Palin to appear on her show.
"Oprah's staff is sharply divided on the merits of booking Sarah Palin," the Drudge Report quotes its usual anonymous sources as confiding. "One executive close to Winfrey is warning any Palin ban could ignite a dramatic backlash!"
Never mind that Oprah denies any such discussions, confirms that she will not interview any of the candidates and expresses interest in having Palin on after the elections. That hasn't deterred her competition such as ABC from picking up and running with the story by asking, "Is Oprah Biased?"
In stirring this first little media tempest in a teapot, McCain backers get a twofer--discrediting Oprah for backing Obama and painting Palin as a victim of gender bias. If they had picked Joe Lieberman or Tom Ridge, would anybody be badgering Oprah?
The next stage, which has already started, will be a sustained attack on journalists for investigating Palin's background and beliefs and questioning her claims such as selling the state jet on eBay or rejecting federal funds for the Bridge to Nowhere.
Somewhere in political rogue purgatory, Spiro Agnew must be smiling.
Palin is, among other things, the Agnew of a McCain campaign as eager to blame the media for its problems as the Nixon Administration was back then, and now good old reliable Matt Drudge has started the ball rolling with an assault on Oprah for not inviting Palin to appear on her show.
"Oprah's staff is sharply divided on the merits of booking Sarah Palin," the Drudge Report quotes its usual anonymous sources as confiding. "One executive close to Winfrey is warning any Palin ban could ignite a dramatic backlash!"
Never mind that Oprah denies any such discussions, confirms that she will not interview any of the candidates and expresses interest in having Palin on after the elections. That hasn't deterred her competition such as ABC from picking up and running with the story by asking, "Is Oprah Biased?"
In stirring this first little media tempest in a teapot, McCain backers get a twofer--discrediting Oprah for backing Obama and painting Palin as a victim of gender bias. If they had picked Joe Lieberman or Tom Ridge, would anybody be badgering Oprah?
The next stage, which has already started, will be a sustained attack on journalists for investigating Palin's background and beliefs and questioning her claims such as selling the state jet on eBay or rejecting federal funds for the Bridge to Nowhere.
Somewhere in political rogue purgatory, Spiro Agnew must be smiling.
Friday, September 05, 2008
Shotgun Wedding Heard Around the World
In the final image of the Republican convention, with all the McCains and Palins on the stage waving to the crowd and the cameras, the most fascinating figure was the 18-year-old stud muffin named Levi Johnston who was up there based on the accomplishment of having knocked up his high-school girlfriend.
Young Levi's bemused demeanor recalls the hero of Preston Sturges' classic World War II movie, "The Miracle of Morgan's Creek," a zany comedy about the public consequences of an unintended pregnancy that somehow ended well for all concerned.
The 21s century version has a happy ending, too. MTV, People and Us Magazine report that wedding bells will be ringing soon, but the whole world knows that.
Young Levi's bemused demeanor recalls the hero of Preston Sturges' classic World War II movie, "The Miracle of Morgan's Creek," a zany comedy about the public consequences of an unintended pregnancy that somehow ended well for all concerned.
The 21s century version has a happy ending, too. MTV, People and Us Magazine report that wedding bells will be ringing soon, but the whole world knows that.
Gender Wars Gone Wild
Sarah Palin's arrival has sent the sexism debate into a cuckooland where Pat Buchanan is defending her womanhood and Gloria Steinem is attacking her credentials.
According to Steinem, "Palin shares nothing but a chromosome with [Hillary] Clinton. Her down-home, divisive and deceptive speech did nothing to cosmeticize a Republican convention that has more than twice as many male delegates as female, a presidential candidate who is owned and operated by the right wing and a platform that opposes pretty much everything Clinton's candidacy stood for--and that Barack Obama's still does. To vote in protest for McCain/Palin would be like saying, 'Somebody stole my shoes, so I'll amputate my legs.'"
The courtly Buchanan, on the other hand, defended Palin in an on-camera attack on Chris Matthews. "What's your problem with strong women, buddy?" Buchanan asked. "The MS in MSNBC should not stand for misogyny."
In the real world, the Obama people are mobilizing to deal with it all by ignoring Palin's gender, raising questions about her inexperience and possibly stepping up Hillary Clinton's role in the campaign.
“Anyone who was inclined to support Hillary Clinton," says one of her former staff, "typically did so because of her focus on middle-class, bread-and-butter issues. Her message for Barack Obama on those issues could certainly help the Democratic ticket at the ballot box.”
Meanwhile, the new topsy-turvy gender politics will be making some strange bedfellows indeed.
According to Steinem, "Palin shares nothing but a chromosome with [Hillary] Clinton. Her down-home, divisive and deceptive speech did nothing to cosmeticize a Republican convention that has more than twice as many male delegates as female, a presidential candidate who is owned and operated by the right wing and a platform that opposes pretty much everything Clinton's candidacy stood for--and that Barack Obama's still does. To vote in protest for McCain/Palin would be like saying, 'Somebody stole my shoes, so I'll amputate my legs.'"
The courtly Buchanan, on the other hand, defended Palin in an on-camera attack on Chris Matthews. "What's your problem with strong women, buddy?" Buchanan asked. "The MS in MSNBC should not stand for misogyny."
In the real world, the Obama people are mobilizing to deal with it all by ignoring Palin's gender, raising questions about her inexperience and possibly stepping up Hillary Clinton's role in the campaign.
“Anyone who was inclined to support Hillary Clinton," says one of her former staff, "typically did so because of her focus on middle-class, bread-and-butter issues. Her message for Barack Obama on those issues could certainly help the Democratic ticket at the ballot box.”
Meanwhile, the new topsy-turvy gender politics will be making some strange bedfellows indeed.
Bob Woodward on Bush's Iraq Gamble
The President and Gen. David Petraeus exchanged betting metaphors in planning the Surge, according to Woodward's new book to be published next week.
In January 2007, when Bush told the new Iraq commander that the Surge was an attempt to "double down," Petraeus replied, "Mr. President, this is not double down. This is all in."
Five years and thousands of American lives after the invasion, a disconnected Commander-in-Chief was still being briefed with figures of speech that recall Colin Powell's Pottery Barn warning, "You break it, you own it."
In a preview of "The War Within: A Secret White House History, 2006-2008," the Washington Post describes "an administration riven by dissension, either unwilling or slow to confront the deterioration of its strategy in Iraq...
"Publicly, Bush maintained that U.S. forces were 'winning'; privately, he came to believe that the military's long-term strategy of training Iraq security forces and handing over responsibility to the new Iraqi government was failing."
Before the 2006 elections, according to Woodward, Bush asked for a review of the war "under the radar screen" after Condoleezza Rice challenged the wisdom of sending additional troops to Iraq. "You're not getting a clear picture of what's going on," she reportedly told Bush, claiming that Don Rumsfeld was giving him "a fable, a story...that skirted the real problems."
Bush fired Rumsfeld but still maintained an "odd detachment" about the war, telling Woodward, "This is nothing that you hurry" when asked whether he had given advisers a firm deadline for recommending a revised war strategy.
Ultimately, Bush overrode the advice of the Joint Chiefs and became gung-ho in deciding on the Surge, which Woodward concludes worked not simply because of additional troops but "groundbreaking" new covert techniques to find and kill insurgent leaders as well as the decision by Moqtada al-Sadr to rein in his Mahdi Army and the "Anbar Awakening," in which Sunnis turned against al-Qaeda.
Woodward had ended his previous book with the line: "With all Bush’s upbeat talk and optimism, he had not told the American public the truth about what Iraq had become." He repeats that now, adding: "My reporting for this book showed that to be even more the case than I could have imagined."
In January 2007, when Bush told the new Iraq commander that the Surge was an attempt to "double down," Petraeus replied, "Mr. President, this is not double down. This is all in."
Five years and thousands of American lives after the invasion, a disconnected Commander-in-Chief was still being briefed with figures of speech that recall Colin Powell's Pottery Barn warning, "You break it, you own it."
In a preview of "The War Within: A Secret White House History, 2006-2008," the Washington Post describes "an administration riven by dissension, either unwilling or slow to confront the deterioration of its strategy in Iraq...
"Publicly, Bush maintained that U.S. forces were 'winning'; privately, he came to believe that the military's long-term strategy of training Iraq security forces and handing over responsibility to the new Iraqi government was failing."
Before the 2006 elections, according to Woodward, Bush asked for a review of the war "under the radar screen" after Condoleezza Rice challenged the wisdom of sending additional troops to Iraq. "You're not getting a clear picture of what's going on," she reportedly told Bush, claiming that Don Rumsfeld was giving him "a fable, a story...that skirted the real problems."
Bush fired Rumsfeld but still maintained an "odd detachment" about the war, telling Woodward, "This is nothing that you hurry" when asked whether he had given advisers a firm deadline for recommending a revised war strategy.
Ultimately, Bush overrode the advice of the Joint Chiefs and became gung-ho in deciding on the Surge, which Woodward concludes worked not simply because of additional troops but "groundbreaking" new covert techniques to find and kill insurgent leaders as well as the decision by Moqtada al-Sadr to rein in his Mahdi Army and the "Anbar Awakening," in which Sunnis turned against al-Qaeda.
Woodward had ended his previous book with the line: "With all Bush’s upbeat talk and optimism, he had not told the American public the truth about what Iraq had become." He repeats that now, adding: "My reporting for this book showed that to be even more the case than I could have imagined."
McCain's Promise to Undo Bush
Those who ran the country into the ground for eight years sent John McCain out last night to ask voters for a do-over.
In a speech wherein the only Bush mentioned was Laura, the candidate Republicans rejected eight years ago rallied them to his cause of repairing the damage.
"I fight," he said, "to restore the pride and principles of our party. We were elected to change Washington, and we let Washington change us.
"We lost the trust of the American people when some Republicans gave in to the temptations of corruption. We lost their trust when rather than reform government, both parties made it bigger."
McCain might have extended his indictment of the Bush years to a much longer laundry list of lies, deceit, incompetence and criminal misjudgment, but he was in the awkward position of talking over the heads of the people who had authorized all that to ask for the votes of Americans who had suffered from it.
"We're going to recover the people's trust by standing up again to the values Americans admire," McCain promised in identifying himself as a "change" candidate.
"The party of Lincoln, Roosevelt and Reagan is going to get back to basics."
In his contortions, McCain tried to look forward as he kept reverting to past Republican nostrums of lower taxes, less government and individual initiative.
Tonight's McCain was not the McCain of 2000, who refused to genuflect to the Religious Right and opposed tax cuts for the richest Americans. He is now papering over all those past differences with his history of devotion and service to his country.
But he was speaking for a party he was tempted to leave in disgust at the Bush-Cheney nightmare, and it would be at their own peril if voters forgot all that, as McCain apparently has, and let him bring back the usual suspects for another four years of misusing power.
In a speech wherein the only Bush mentioned was Laura, the candidate Republicans rejected eight years ago rallied them to his cause of repairing the damage.
"I fight," he said, "to restore the pride and principles of our party. We were elected to change Washington, and we let Washington change us.
"We lost the trust of the American people when some Republicans gave in to the temptations of corruption. We lost their trust when rather than reform government, both parties made it bigger."
McCain might have extended his indictment of the Bush years to a much longer laundry list of lies, deceit, incompetence and criminal misjudgment, but he was in the awkward position of talking over the heads of the people who had authorized all that to ask for the votes of Americans who had suffered from it.
"We're going to recover the people's trust by standing up again to the values Americans admire," McCain promised in identifying himself as a "change" candidate.
"The party of Lincoln, Roosevelt and Reagan is going to get back to basics."
In his contortions, McCain tried to look forward as he kept reverting to past Republican nostrums of lower taxes, less government and individual initiative.
Tonight's McCain was not the McCain of 2000, who refused to genuflect to the Religious Right and opposed tax cuts for the richest Americans. He is now papering over all those past differences with his history of devotion and service to his country.
But he was speaking for a party he was tempted to leave in disgust at the Bush-Cheney nightmare, and it would be at their own peril if voters forgot all that, as McCain apparently has, and let him bring back the usual suspects for another four years of misusing power.
Thursday, September 04, 2008
Is Petraeus a Lame Duck, Too?
Behind-the-scenes scuffling over the General's next appearance before Congress reflects a growing Pentagon rift over deployment of troops in the Middle East as well as resistance to being used for political purposes.
According to the Christian Science Monitor: "Days before the top US commander in Iraq gives his official assessment on troop levels there, a high-level move is afoot to keep Gen. David Petraeus out of the political spotlight. Many senior Pentagon officials want to shift public and lawmaker attention away from Iraq to Afghanistan...
"Members of Congress have requested that Petraeus make another appearance on Capitol Hill, sure to draw the kind of attention that a visit from the high-profile general engenders. The Defense Department has refused that request, ostensibly because of scheduling issues. But as the Pentagon struggles to muster more troops for Afghanistan, officials worry that the general's testimony on Iraq will upstage other needs."
The subtext of this maneuvering is growing Pentagon unease over the Bush Administration's unprecedented politicization of the military and the desire of top brass to dial back during the election campaign.
Joint Chiefs Chairman Adm. Mike Mullen told reporters last week, "We are an apolitical, neutral organization in this country, and we need to stay out of politics, those of us in uniform. And it is very tempting in this time because of where we are, and we just shouldn't do it."
As John McCain and Republican convention yahoos howl this week about victory in Iraq, under the radar there is movement toward Barack Obama's sanity in calling for troop withdrawal from Iraq to combat terrorists where they live, but military leaders seem to be doing their best not to get caught in that crossfire.
According to the Christian Science Monitor: "Days before the top US commander in Iraq gives his official assessment on troop levels there, a high-level move is afoot to keep Gen. David Petraeus out of the political spotlight. Many senior Pentagon officials want to shift public and lawmaker attention away from Iraq to Afghanistan...
"Members of Congress have requested that Petraeus make another appearance on Capitol Hill, sure to draw the kind of attention that a visit from the high-profile general engenders. The Defense Department has refused that request, ostensibly because of scheduling issues. But as the Pentagon struggles to muster more troops for Afghanistan, officials worry that the general's testimony on Iraq will upstage other needs."
The subtext of this maneuvering is growing Pentagon unease over the Bush Administration's unprecedented politicization of the military and the desire of top brass to dial back during the election campaign.
Joint Chiefs Chairman Adm. Mike Mullen told reporters last week, "We are an apolitical, neutral organization in this country, and we need to stay out of politics, those of us in uniform. And it is very tempting in this time because of where we are, and we just shouldn't do it."
As John McCain and Republican convention yahoos howl this week about victory in Iraq, under the radar there is movement toward Barack Obama's sanity in calling for troop withdrawal from Iraq to combat terrorists where they live, but military leaders seem to be doing their best not to get caught in that crossfire.
A Call for McCain to Come Clean
He has been hiding in the shadows long enough and, if he accepts the nomination, John McCain must fill in the blanks of an unexamined life for the American people.
Once and for all, he must tell us whether or not he wore a uniform and for how long? What about those rumors that he flew a plane, was shot down and incarcerated in some kind of foreign detention facility?
Reticence is an admirable virtue, but this strong-silent-man stuff deprives voters of a window into his soul. Is he really the mild-mannered man we have been led to believe or does he occasionally lose control and speak above an amiable whisper?
Can voters be sure he will always go along with the consensus or has he been known to stray from the path of accepted wisdom that has kept America safe and secure for so long?
Most of all, does he have the least bit of combative, confrontational spirit to sustain him in a time of crisis?
The man is likable enough, but perhaps just too shy to be President. For a start, he might at least tell us how old he is, who his people were and what he was doing before he entered public service.
We can't elect a cipher.
Once and for all, he must tell us whether or not he wore a uniform and for how long? What about those rumors that he flew a plane, was shot down and incarcerated in some kind of foreign detention facility?
Reticence is an admirable virtue, but this strong-silent-man stuff deprives voters of a window into his soul. Is he really the mild-mannered man we have been led to believe or does he occasionally lose control and speak above an amiable whisper?
Can voters be sure he will always go along with the consensus or has he been known to stray from the path of accepted wisdom that has kept America safe and secure for so long?
Most of all, does he have the least bit of combative, confrontational spirit to sustain him in a time of crisis?
The man is likable enough, but perhaps just too shy to be President. For a start, he might at least tell us how old he is, who his people were and what he was doing before he entered public service.
We can't elect a cipher.
GOP Stages "Beauty and the Beast"
A Republican star was born tonight, but Sarah Palin's success as a pit bull with lipstick, to use her own definition of a soccer mom, was greatly enhanced by following the smug, sarcastic Rudy Giuliani, who redefined the word "demagogue" with his ugly, leering attacks on Barack Obama. (If you have a strong stomach, read it here, but I won't quote from it.)
America's Mayor, who led the polls for months before being unmasked as a self-seeking, corner-cutting profiteer after 9/11, set the stage for making the Republican VP candidate look poised and plausible in her well-crafted, well-delivered speech that did little more than exalt McCain and demean Obama with the clichés of a campaign desperately trying to avoid discussion of eight years of Bush disaster.
Introducing her parents, Palin went back more than half a century to a Democratic role model:
"Long ago, a young farmer and a haberdasher from Missouri followed an unlikely path to the vice presidency. And a writer observed, 'We grow good people in our small towns, with honesty and sincerity and dignity,' and I know just the kind of people that writer had in mind when he praised Harry Truman."
Unanswered in Palin's speech were the multiple questions about her brief political history and the substance of her beliefs but, for one evening at least, she surpassed all expectations--thanks at least in part to being seen in contrast to the unspeakable Rudy Giuliani.
America's Mayor, who led the polls for months before being unmasked as a self-seeking, corner-cutting profiteer after 9/11, set the stage for making the Republican VP candidate look poised and plausible in her well-crafted, well-delivered speech that did little more than exalt McCain and demean Obama with the clichés of a campaign desperately trying to avoid discussion of eight years of Bush disaster.
Introducing her parents, Palin went back more than half a century to a Democratic role model:
"Long ago, a young farmer and a haberdasher from Missouri followed an unlikely path to the vice presidency. And a writer observed, 'We grow good people in our small towns, with honesty and sincerity and dignity,' and I know just the kind of people that writer had in mind when he praised Harry Truman."
Unanswered in Palin's speech were the multiple questions about her brief political history and the substance of her beliefs but, for one evening at least, she surpassed all expectations--thanks at least in part to being seen in contrast to the unspeakable Rudy Giuliani.
Wednesday, September 03, 2008
Palin's "My Fair Lady" Moment
With a phalanx of Henry Higginses and Col. Pickerings, Sarah Palin is being prepped for her Eliza Doolittle debut at the Republican equivalent of the Embassy Ball tonight, and it would take a heart of stone to see the drama only in political terms.
But this movie will be shown, not on TCM, but all the TV networks, and, as new details emerge about Gov. Palin's past, we find there is much more at stake than whether or not the flower girl passes muster in a world of self-satisfied snobs and poseurs.
In past life, Eliza was selling violets but now we learn that Mayor Sarah was ideologically firing town officials and trying to ban books in the library with what neighbors describe as "a polarizing single-mindedness."
Last night, the Republican Convention gave us Fred Thompson narrating a combined remake of "Sergeant York," "Patton" and "Yankee Doodle Dandy," and no doubt tonight's movie will be even more riveting. Who could be rooting against the upward mobility of a savvy, spunky young woman in the world of political privilege and posturing?
But before we enjoy the catharsis of Eliza flinging slippers at Henry Higgins, we might want to keep in mind how that climactic scene would play in the Oval Office where something more substantial than slippers might be the nearest objects at hand.
But this movie will be shown, not on TCM, but all the TV networks, and, as new details emerge about Gov. Palin's past, we find there is much more at stake than whether or not the flower girl passes muster in a world of self-satisfied snobs and poseurs.
In past life, Eliza was selling violets but now we learn that Mayor Sarah was ideologically firing town officials and trying to ban books in the library with what neighbors describe as "a polarizing single-mindedness."
Last night, the Republican Convention gave us Fred Thompson narrating a combined remake of "Sergeant York," "Patton" and "Yankee Doodle Dandy," and no doubt tonight's movie will be even more riveting. Who could be rooting against the upward mobility of a savvy, spunky young woman in the world of political privilege and posturing?
But before we enjoy the catharsis of Eliza flinging slippers at Henry Higgins, we might want to keep in mind how that climactic scene would play in the Oval Office where something more substantial than slippers might be the nearest objects at hand.
Upstaging McCain's Acceptance Speech
Pass the smelling salts to Keith Olbermann, when he finds out that Barack Obama will be appearing on Fox News with Bill O'Reilly Thursday night just before John McCain's big moment at the Republican Convention.
Call it payback for springing Sarah Palin on the media the next day to overshadow the afterglow of Obama's acceptance speech last week, but Olbermann, who has been Obama's most ardent media fan, is learning the hard way about the axiom, "No good deed goes unpunished."
Being interviewed by Olbermann to counterprogram the Republicans would be fairly ho-hum, but making his first appearance with O'Reilly qualifies as man-bites-dog news for Obama. And if past history is any guide, O'Reilly will turn into a pussycat in the face of real star power.
Call it payback for springing Sarah Palin on the media the next day to overshadow the afterglow of Obama's acceptance speech last week, but Olbermann, who has been Obama's most ardent media fan, is learning the hard way about the axiom, "No good deed goes unpunished."
Being interviewed by Olbermann to counterprogram the Republicans would be fairly ho-hum, but making his first appearance with O'Reilly qualifies as man-bites-dog news for Obama. And if past history is any guide, O'Reilly will turn into a pussycat in the face of real star power.
Canonization of McCain
After eight years of rejecting and marginalizing John McCain, the Republican Party nominated him for sainthood tonight to obscure its abysmal record at home and abroad.
Fred Thompson, a bad actor, and Joe Lieberman, a very bad actor, spent a TV hour trying to sell McCain's character as the answer to all of America's problems that the Bush Administration has created, ignored or worsened by trying to destroy the power of government to solve them.
"We need a president," Thompson declared, "who will take the federal bureaucracy by the scruff of the neck and give it a good shaking."
"Don't be fooled," Lieberman exhorted, "by some of these political statements and advertisements. Trust me: God only made one John McCain, and he is his own man."
In desperation to avoid talking about the Bush years, Lieberman even had the GOP crowd applauding as he compared McCain to "the last Democratic president, Bill Clinton, who stood up to some of those same Democratic interest groups, worked with Republicans, and got some important things done, like welfare reform, free trade agreements, and a balanced budget."
Thompson, in best "Law and Order" style, offered good-old-boy scenes from McCain's youth as "the leader of the troublemakers" at the Naval Academy and, in flight school, dating "a girl who worked in a bar as an exotic dancer under the name of Marie, the Flame of Florida" followed by a graphic retelling of McCain's suffering as a POW.
In all, with a background of flags and fake blue skies, it was a prime-time hour worthy of "American Idol" and just about as substantial.
Fred Thompson, a bad actor, and Joe Lieberman, a very bad actor, spent a TV hour trying to sell McCain's character as the answer to all of America's problems that the Bush Administration has created, ignored or worsened by trying to destroy the power of government to solve them.
"We need a president," Thompson declared, "who will take the federal bureaucracy by the scruff of the neck and give it a good shaking."
"Don't be fooled," Lieberman exhorted, "by some of these political statements and advertisements. Trust me: God only made one John McCain, and he is his own man."
In desperation to avoid talking about the Bush years, Lieberman even had the GOP crowd applauding as he compared McCain to "the last Democratic president, Bill Clinton, who stood up to some of those same Democratic interest groups, worked with Republicans, and got some important things done, like welfare reform, free trade agreements, and a balanced budget."
Thompson, in best "Law and Order" style, offered good-old-boy scenes from McCain's youth as "the leader of the troublemakers" at the Naval Academy and, in flight school, dating "a girl who worked in a bar as an exotic dancer under the name of Marie, the Flame of Florida" followed by a graphic retelling of McCain's suffering as a POW.
In all, with a background of flags and fake blue skies, it was a prime-time hour worthy of "American Idol" and just about as substantial.
Tuesday, September 02, 2008
Medical Question for Gov. Palin
A noted pathologist and professor of medicine is curious about how they practice in Alaska:
"While Gov. Palin is being praised for choosing to proceed with her pregnancy despite a pre-natal diagnosis of Down syndrome, why was the procedure performed in the first place?
"Amniocentesis is employed in older mothers to detect genetic abnormalities (as it did here) so that abortion can be considered as an option. It is not recommended for younger women because the danger to the fetus outweighs the possible 'benefit' to be gained through detection of genetic abnormality. In other words, more normal fetuses would be aborted by the procedure than would abnormal ones be detected.
"Since Gov. Palin's convictions precluded the possibility that she would decide to abort the fetus irrespective of the outcome of the amniocentesis test, why did she subject her unborn child to the very real risk of death that this procedure carries?"
Is there an Alaskan doctor in the house to explain it?
"While Gov. Palin is being praised for choosing to proceed with her pregnancy despite a pre-natal diagnosis of Down syndrome, why was the procedure performed in the first place?
"Amniocentesis is employed in older mothers to detect genetic abnormalities (as it did here) so that abortion can be considered as an option. It is not recommended for younger women because the danger to the fetus outweighs the possible 'benefit' to be gained through detection of genetic abnormality. In other words, more normal fetuses would be aborted by the procedure than would abnormal ones be detected.
"Since Gov. Palin's convictions precluded the possibility that she would decide to abort the fetus irrespective of the outcome of the amniocentesis test, why did she subject her unborn child to the very real risk of death that this procedure carries?"
Is there an Alaskan doctor in the house to explain it?
Changing of the GOP Guard
With Day One wiped out by natural disaster, the Republican Convention will be visited tonight by man-made political pestilences named George W. Bush, bearing the lowest approval ratings in history, and Joe Lieberman, despised by both liberal Democrats who voted him out of their party and conservative Republicans who revolted to stop John McCain from choosing him as a running mate.
Disarray over the VP choice may signal a changing of the political guard, much as the Democrats' Eagleton fiasco did in 1972. Before that, the party had won six out of nine presidential elections dating back to FDR. From then on, Republicans prevailed in the following six of nine.
In a way, it's sad that Lieberman didn't get the nod to go down in history as the first Jewish candidate for vice president to experience bipartisan defeat, but with the distinct possibility that Sarah Palin will be scandaled into withdrawing, McCain may yet be able to revert to his suicidal choice, although factional in-fighting is more likely to lead to a talking-points cyborg like Tim Pawlenty.
One silver lining: With Bush scheduled to speak by satellite, delegates will be spared the effort of having to feign delirous joy as he makes a grand entrance to take the podium.
Disarray over the VP choice may signal a changing of the political guard, much as the Democrats' Eagleton fiasco did in 1972. Before that, the party had won six out of nine presidential elections dating back to FDR. From then on, Republicans prevailed in the following six of nine.
In a way, it's sad that Lieberman didn't get the nod to go down in history as the first Jewish candidate for vice president to experience bipartisan defeat, but with the distinct possibility that Sarah Palin will be scandaled into withdrawing, McCain may yet be able to revert to his suicidal choice, although factional in-fighting is more likely to lead to a talking-points cyborg like Tim Pawlenty.
One silver lining: With Bush scheduled to speak by satellite, delegates will be spared the effort of having to feign delirous joy as he makes a grand entrance to take the podium.
McCain Didn't Google Deep Enough
A few months ago, the Republican candidate told backers that choosing a running mate was easy. "You know, basically it's a Google. What you can find out now on the Internet--it's remarkable."
Now it appears that vetting his last-minute choice of Sarah Palin was no search engine slam dunk as a traffic jam of revelations clogs the path to her nomination and raises once again the question of whether McCain's shoot-from-the-hip temperament is suitable for a 21st century presidency.
The list keeps growing--the ethics investigation of her firing the state's public safety commissioner for not firing her former brother-in-law; her membership in a party that advocated Alaskan secession from the Union; her support for the Bridge to Nowhere before opposing it, along with such family items as her teenage daughter's pregnancy and husband's drunk driving arrest.
What's more troubling than any of these disclosures is the fact that the decision was so impulsive, the fact-finding behind it so slipshod and, worst of all, that McCain's staff is so clearly lying about the process to cover up its shortcomings.
After seven years of an Administration that manipulated intelligence for life-or-death decisions, the last thing the nation needs is a new President who can't even keep the information-gathering on his running mate from going off the rails.
Now it appears that vetting his last-minute choice of Sarah Palin was no search engine slam dunk as a traffic jam of revelations clogs the path to her nomination and raises once again the question of whether McCain's shoot-from-the-hip temperament is suitable for a 21st century presidency.
The list keeps growing--the ethics investigation of her firing the state's public safety commissioner for not firing her former brother-in-law; her membership in a party that advocated Alaskan secession from the Union; her support for the Bridge to Nowhere before opposing it, along with such family items as her teenage daughter's pregnancy and husband's drunk driving arrest.
What's more troubling than any of these disclosures is the fact that the decision was so impulsive, the fact-finding behind it so slipshod and, worst of all, that McCain's staff is so clearly lying about the process to cover up its shortcomings.
After seven years of an Administration that manipulated intelligence for life-or-death decisions, the last thing the nation needs is a new President who can't even keep the information-gathering on his running mate from going off the rails.
Monday, September 01, 2008
The Hillary Resurrection
After being ceremonially entombed in Denver last week, the Clinton Cause rises again after the coming of Sarah Palin with murmurings from True Believers.
Ann Lewis, one of Hillary's High Priests, says members of the sect "are now giving McCain-Palin a second look, and it depends on how Palin performs. These voters see Hillary as someone who fought and rose to challenges with persistence, and who spoke in real ways to their lives."
This comes not from a fringe feminist but a Director of Communications and Counselor to the President in the Clinton White House who previously had been Vice President for Public Policy at the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.
Ms. Lewis, who later went on to work on "The West Wing," does concede another possibly story line. “We don’t know yet how Sarah Palin will perform,” she adds, “and if she lets these voters down, gender is no longer an asset, and it could backfire on Republicans.”
At the very least, Clinton diehards insist, the choice of Palin will lead to "a greater role" in the Obama campaign for their role model.
Oh.
Ann Lewis, one of Hillary's High Priests, says members of the sect "are now giving McCain-Palin a second look, and it depends on how Palin performs. These voters see Hillary as someone who fought and rose to challenges with persistence, and who spoke in real ways to their lives."
This comes not from a fringe feminist but a Director of Communications and Counselor to the President in the Clinton White House who previously had been Vice President for Public Policy at the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.
Ms. Lewis, who later went on to work on "The West Wing," does concede another possibly story line. “We don’t know yet how Sarah Palin will perform,” she adds, “and if she lets these voters down, gender is no longer an asset, and it could backfire on Republicans.”
At the very least, Clinton diehards insist, the choice of Palin will lead to "a greater role" in the Obama campaign for their role model.
Oh.
Pregnant Pause in the Palin Story
From CNN: "Bristol Palin, the 17 year old daughter of Sarah Palin, is pregnant and will keep the baby and marry the father, a senior McCain aide confirmed to CNN Monday.
"McCain was aware of Bristol Palin’s pregnancy before he chose her mother for his running mate, the aide said."
So now a teenager's reproductive melodrama enters the presidential campaign, and the sounds of sanctimony on both sides will reach decibel level. A statement by the Palin family, exalted by the McCain campaign for family values, reads:
“Bristol and the young man she will marry are going to realize very quickly the difficulties of raising a child, which is why they will have the love and support of our entire family. We ask the media respect our daughter and Levi’s privacy as has always been the tradition of children of candidates.”
This new development will sorely test that "tradition," most recently reflected in the MSNBC suspension of correspondent David Shuster for musing on air about the Clinton campaign, "Doesn't it seem as if Chelsea is sort of being pimped out in some weird sort of way?"
The Sexual Spin Machines will be working overtime in the Twin Cities, much to the chagrin of those on both sides who believe that private behavior, particularly of minors, is no business of the public's, regardless of who profits politically from it.
"McCain was aware of Bristol Palin’s pregnancy before he chose her mother for his running mate, the aide said."
So now a teenager's reproductive melodrama enters the presidential campaign, and the sounds of sanctimony on both sides will reach decibel level. A statement by the Palin family, exalted by the McCain campaign for family values, reads:
“Bristol and the young man she will marry are going to realize very quickly the difficulties of raising a child, which is why they will have the love and support of our entire family. We ask the media respect our daughter and Levi’s privacy as has always been the tradition of children of candidates.”
This new development will sorely test that "tradition," most recently reflected in the MSNBC suspension of correspondent David Shuster for musing on air about the Clinton campaign, "Doesn't it seem as if Chelsea is sort of being pimped out in some weird sort of way?"
The Sexual Spin Machines will be working overtime in the Twin Cities, much to the chagrin of those on both sides who believe that private behavior, particularly of minors, is no business of the public's, regardless of who profits politically from it.
Burying Iraq as an Issue
At the Republican Convention, the public desire that dominated the elections two years ago--to get out of Iraq--will be low on the agenda, buried under John McCain's rhetoric about "victory" with "honor."
But as a New York Times editorial points out, McCain is alone in trying to sell that grotesque claim:
"Iraq’s leaders are pushing a timetable that would have American troops out in 2011.
"Even President Bush--who had long scorned the notion of a withdrawal deadline as defeatist--looks set to go along...
"That leaves Mr. McCain as the stubborn man out.
"While the war is no longer front-page news, thousands of Americans are still fighting and dying there. The war is costing American taxpayers $10 billion a month--that is $10 billion that cannot be spent on health care, education and many other urgent priorities.
"Mr. McCain told veterans on Aug. 11 that he would end the war, but intended to 'win it first' and assured them that 'victory in Iraq is finally in sight.'
"He needs to explain what he means by victory. A free and democratic Iraq, as Mr. Bush originally promised? That would take generations. Even after spending nearly $700 billion, the United States will be lucky to leave behind a marginally functioning central government in a very fragile country."
McCain on Iraq recalls the loony character in the World War II movie "Arsenic and Old Lace" who thinks he's Teddy Roosevelt and keeps rushing up the stairs blowing a bugle and yelling "Charge!" Meanwhile, real bodies are buried in the cellar.
That character's Panama Canal was the product of a disordered mind, but Iraq is real and American voters should get an explanation from McCain or take away his bugle.
But as a New York Times editorial points out, McCain is alone in trying to sell that grotesque claim:
"Iraq’s leaders are pushing a timetable that would have American troops out in 2011.
"Even President Bush--who had long scorned the notion of a withdrawal deadline as defeatist--looks set to go along...
"That leaves Mr. McCain as the stubborn man out.
"While the war is no longer front-page news, thousands of Americans are still fighting and dying there. The war is costing American taxpayers $10 billion a month--that is $10 billion that cannot be spent on health care, education and many other urgent priorities.
"Mr. McCain told veterans on Aug. 11 that he would end the war, but intended to 'win it first' and assured them that 'victory in Iraq is finally in sight.'
"He needs to explain what he means by victory. A free and democratic Iraq, as Mr. Bush originally promised? That would take generations. Even after spending nearly $700 billion, the United States will be lucky to leave behind a marginally functioning central government in a very fragile country."
McCain on Iraq recalls the loony character in the World War II movie "Arsenic and Old Lace" who thinks he's Teddy Roosevelt and keeps rushing up the stairs blowing a bugle and yelling "Charge!" Meanwhile, real bodies are buried in the cellar.
That character's Panama Canal was the product of a disordered mind, but Iraq is real and American voters should get an explanation from McCain or take away his bugle.
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